Translating Cuba – English Translations of Cubans Writing From the Island

Cuba’s Official Social Media Celebrates a “Lit Up” City: Havana Regains Light and Buses for a Few Hours

Russian oil barrels are giving the capital a respite that will be short-lived according to the Cuban government’s own data.

“Looks like they’ve been given a shot of fuel,” commented a passenger as he watched two buses pass by one after the other. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, April 22, 2026 – “Today at four in the morning I went up to the rooftop and was impressed. It had been a long time since I’d seen all of Havana lit up without dark patches everywhere,” a resident of Nuevo Vedado, whose building offers a view of much of the city, told this newspaper. The image, almost absent from the capital in recent months, sums up what happened this Wednesday. For a brief stretch in the early morning, Havana was almost completely illuminated again, and at dawn, several buses reappeared on the main avenues.

The national electrical grid managed to meet demand between 4:12 and 5:07 a.m., according to a press release from the National Electric Union (UNE). This 55-minute period without outages was a brief respite in a day marked by frequent blackouts. The UNE’s daily reports, published by Cubadebate, also indicate that such a window of uninterrupted power had not occurred since February 8th.

The change was noticeable on the streets before dawn. “I’ve seen some buses on the streets today, which haven’t been seen for a long time,” said a Havana resident who left her house early in the Cerro municipality. Another woman, at a bus stop on Diez de Octubre Avenue, summed up the scene with a mixture of astonishment and sarcasm: “There are buses on the streets today, what a miracle.”

The image of the return of electricity and buses coincided with a campaign launched by several pro-government accounts on social media the previous night. The most visible example was that of Vice Foreign Minister Josefina Vidal, who shared a post with the idea that “a fuel ship arrives in Cuba and the lights come back on,” echoing a message disseminated earlier, in Portuguese, by Mídia Ninja, a Brazilian alternative media network with an activist profile. Photos of a lit-up Havana and texts about the supposed energy relief circulated as proof of a visible improvement, at least for a few hours, in the capital. continue reading

“There are also people at the bus stops, which had been empty for a long time.” / 14ymedio

Off-screen, the perception was far less dramatic. “Looks like they’ve been given a shot of fuel,” commented one passenger upon seeing two buses pass by one after the other on a route where none had appeared in recent weeks. It wasn’t just the presence of the vehicles that was striking. “There are also people at the bus stops, which had been empty for a long time,” he added. During the worst days of the shortage, many of those corners had been practically deserted.

Since the weekend, the state press has been presenting the arrival of the Russian-donated oil shipment in Cuba as a turning point. The Russian vessel Anatoly Kolodkin arrived in Matanzas on March 31 with 100,000 tons of crude oil, equivalent to about 730,000 barrels. This fuel was processed at the Cienfuegos refinery because the Havana refinery is not operational, and according to the official version, gasoline, diesel, fuel oil, and liquefied gas are already being produced and distributed from this refined product.

The authorities maintain that processing took between 12 and 15 days and that the distribution of refined products to consumption centers is being carried out in stages. These products, the government insists, will help sustain some electricity generation, transportation, and economic activity. According to this official account, diesel and fuel oil will power generating plants, while gasoline and other fuels will help move cargo, passengers, and services.

On April 18, the State newspaper Granma reported that these fuel derivatives were already being distributed throughout the country and were beginning to reduce disruptions to the electrical service. The same article added that the available fuel, although limited, would also be used for transportation and to support the economy. This is essentially the explanation that state media have used in recent days to accompany the image of a brighter capital with more buses on the road. Outside of Havana, however, the situation is far from similar, and in much of the country, blackouts continue with the same frequency, while any relief is barely noticeable.

The total amount of derivatives obtained would cover “around a third of the national demand for a month”

However, the National Electric Union’s own report qualifies the extent of the improvement. The agency reported that on Tuesday there were outages throughout the 24-hour period, reaching a maximum of 1,384 megawatts. For the evening of April 22, the forecast still predicted a deficit exceeding 1,100 megawatts. The early morning without a blackout, therefore, did not represent a return to normalcy for the system, but rather a brief respite in the midst of a crisis that remains far from over.

Even so, the government has insisted on presenting the arrival of Russian crude as a substantial relief. According to official statements reported by Cubadebate, the total amount of refined products obtained would cover “around a third of national demand for a month.” This phrase, repeated optimistically by officials, state media, and affiliated social media accounts, has become a central tenet of the official narrative in recent days.

In Havana, that discourse found a concrete, albeit brief, translation into daily life this Wednesday. In a city where blackouts and lack of transportation have become part of the landscape, 55 minutes without shortages and a few buses returning to the avenues were enough for many to believe, for a moment, that normalcy had returned to the capital.

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Ricardo, the Man Who Wants To Bring Order to the Transportation Chaos in Havana

From driving an almendrón [classic American car in use as a shared taxi] to managing a private fleet, he dreams of a modern bus network in a city trapped between fuel shortages and improvisation.

“The authorities see us as if we were the enemy, even though we are the ones who are keeping this city running.” / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Natalia López Moya, Havana, April18, 2026 / The hustle and bustle begins early in Fraternity Park. Under the shade of the trees, a line of jeeps and pickup trucks adapted for passenger transport wait their turn while the drivers chat, check the engine, or lean against the open doors. The Capitol Building looms in the background, imposing, as if watching over this small universe where necessity, ingenuity, and daily survival intersect. In this private taxi stand, where each vehicle represents a story of hard work, Ricardo, a 48-year-old Havana resident, moves with a calm gait. He feels transportation as a vocation that runs in his veins.

Ricardo, a name changed to avoid reprisals, doesn’t wear a uniform or any special insignia. He dresses simply, speaks in a measured tone, and greets each driver by name. His role now is that of manager and supervisor of a small fleet he and his brother have built up over decades of work. However, as soon as he stops in front of one of the vehicles, a green minibus with a capacity for a dozen passengers, his gaze becomes technical, almost professional. He checks the condition of the tires, asks about fuel consumption, and reviews the day’s schedule as if he were inspecting a complex transportation network.

“I was born for this,” he tells 14ymedio, with a brief smile. And he doesn’t seem to be exaggerating.

When the boys were born, I couldn’t afford to continue studying without earning a penny. I had to find money as quickly as possible.

Ricardo studied Transportation Engineering at the José Antonio Echeverría Technological University of Havana, the well-known Cujae, until his fourth year. He didn’t graduate. Life, as it happens to so many young people in Cuba, forced him to take a more urgent path. He married young, had twins, and the need to support his family took precedence over books and classrooms.

“When the boys were born, I couldn’t afford to continue studying without earning a single penny. I had to find money as quickly as possible,” he recalls.

His entry into the world of almendrones — classic American cars operating as shared taxis — was almost a natural progression. His father had worked for the railroad for decades, and at home, trains, routes, and schedules were always a topic of conversation. Even his great-grandfather was involved in managing Havana’s old streetcar system, a family legacy that shaped his childhood. As a boy, while others played ball, he built imaginary cities with toy cars. That passion remains with him: in his living room, continue reading

he maintains a meticulous collection of miniature cars.

"Private transport operators know this city better than the Ministry of Transport." / 14ymedio — “Private transport operators know this city better than the Ministry of Transport.” / 14ymedio

The first vehicle he drove was his father’s old Chevrolet, a car that had already accumulated years and repairs when Ricardo decided to convert it into a shared taxi. Those beginnings, he says, were tough.

“There were days when I went out to work not knowing if I would be able to return home with enough money for food. The car was constantly breaking down and the parts were hard to find. But there was no alternative.”

On the route connecting Fraternity Park with Santiago de las Vegas, he learned to deal with impatient passengers, deteriorating streets, and a public transportation system that was already showing signs of exhaustion. That experience taught him to calculate times, costs, and routes with almost mathematical precision.

Over time they managed to build a small fleet that today includes six electric tricycles and five car-type vehicles, capable of transporting between 10 and 14 passengers each.

His brother, also a driver, joined the business, and together they began to grow slowly. They reinvested part of their profits in repairs, fuel, and the purchase of new vehicles. Over time, they built a small fleet that today includes six electric tricycles and five passenger vans, each capable of carrying between 10 and 14 passengers.

Ricardo no longer lives “glued to the wheel,” as he himself says, but he remains connected to the daily operation of the vehicles. He visits the taxi stand frequently, supervises the drivers, and reviews the day’s income and expenses. His presence, discreet yet constant, reflects a mixture of responsibility and pride.

At Fraternity Park, the flow of passengers never stops. Women with heavy bags, students with backpacks, and workers trying to get to their jobs gather around the vehicles, asking about destinations and fares. The sound of the engines mingles with the murmur of conversations and the metallic slam of closing doors.

Ricardo observes this scene with a critical eye. For him, transportation in Havana is not just a business, but a structural problem that requires technical solutions and political will.

There is no real coordination between the different modes of transport, and this leads to losses of time and resources.

As he explains, the principal obstacles facing passenger transportation in the capital are the lack of fuel, the deterioration of the vehicle fleet, the shortage of spare parts and the absence of efficient route planning.

“The whole system is improvised. There’s no real coordination between the different modes of transport, and that causes a waste of time and resources,” he says. “The authorities see us as if we were the enemy, even though we’re the ones keeping this city moving,” he points out. “They bombard us with fines and inspections, but what they should be doing is working with us, hand in hand.”

He also points out that current regulations limit the growth of the private sector. He considers it essential to create a legal framework that allows for the direct import of vehicles and parts in an expedited manner and “without so much paperwork,” access to financing, and the possibility of establishing stable contracts with the government.

“If we want to improve transportation in Cuba, we have to let those who know how to do it do their jobs,” he argues. “Private transport operators know this city better than the Ministry of Transportation; we’ve designed more efficient and comprehensive routes and connections than the Havana Bus Company.”

“If we want to improve transportation in Cuba, we have to let those who know how to do it do their jobs.”

His incomplete academic training hasn’t prevented him from maintaining a technical approach to the subject. Ricardo has dedicated years to studying route behavior, passenger flow, and operating costs. His notebook contains detailed notes on schedules, distances, and fuel consumption.

His greatest ambition is to run a bus route in Havana. This isn’t just a whim. He has developed a complete project that includes route planning, frequency calculations, and income and expense estimates.

In his mind, the city is divided into high- and low-demand zones, with stations strategically located to facilitate passenger access. He speaks of waiting times, cargo capacity, and preventative maintenance with the confidence of a professional.

“I have all the numbers done. I know roughly how many buses are needed, the municipalities that need to be connected because they are currently isolated, the type of bus that will best meet the needs of the conditions we have here, and something that is not allowed now, which is to turn the buses into rolling advertising options so that businesses can pay to promote their products in these display cases on wheels, which is a way to generate income,” he says.

At Fraternity Park, the flow of passengers never stops. / 14ymedio

His plan includes the use of modern technologies to optimize the service. It proposes the incorporation of electronic payment systems, the creation of rechargeable cards with special discounts for students and senior citizens, mobile applications for route tracking, and hybrid or electric vehicles that reduce fuel consumption.

“Cuba could skip stages if it adopts efficient technologies. There’s no need to repeat the mistakes of other countries,” he points out.

As he speaks, a group of passengers gets into one of the vehicles parked on the sidewalk. A woman in a red dress settles into the back seat, followed by two young men carrying their backpacks. The driver starts the engine and the vehicle slowly merges into traffic.

Ricardo watches the maneuver intently, as if evaluating every detail. His experience allows him to detect flaws and anticipate problems.

Despite the economic difficulties and uncertainty that characterize life on the Island, the entrepreneur insists that his future is in Cuba.

“I’ve never wanted to emigrate, even though almost all my friends are outside the country,” he admits.

He believes the island needs professionals willing to work for the recovery of public services and the development of infrastructure.

For him, transportation is more than a job. It’s a personal mission that combines family tradition, technical expertise, and social commitment. He believes the island needs professionals willing to work toward the restoration of public services and the development of infrastructure.

At Fraternity Park, the line of vehicles continues to grow. The sun illuminates the colorful car bodies and casts long shadows on the pavement. Drivers chat, passengers wait, and the city keeps moving with the precarious energy that characterizes Havana.

Ricardo walks among the cars with a firm step, greeting each worker and checking the details of the service. His presence conveys the feeling of someone who refuses to accept the decline, who believes in the possibility of organizing the chaos and building a more efficient transportation system.

In his mind, the maps and calculations keep turning like invisible gears. There, in that universe of numbers and routes, he envisions the future he imagines for the city: a modern, punctual, and accessible bus network, capable of restoring to Havana the dynamism it once had.

And although that project still belongs to the realm of dreams, Ricardo continues to prepare for the day he can make it a reality.

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This article was produced in collaboration with Cuba Siglo 21 as part of the project “Cuba: Stabilize and Develop.”

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Cubalex: Artemisa Provincial Court Refuses To Accept Appeal on Luis Manuel Otero’s Case Within the Legal Timeframe

Cubalex, March 23, 2026 — Cubalex reports that the Provincial People’s Court of Artemisa is refusing to receive, within the established legal term, the appeal filed in the framework of the Habeas Corpus procedure in favor of Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara.

Today, the person responsible for filing the appeal went to the Court on time, but the document was not received on the grounds that the relevant official was unavailable. They were told to return the following day.

For Cubalex’s legal team, this action is legally inadmissible. The deadline for filing the appeal expires today. Forcing its submission on a later date places the appellant outside the time limit, which in practice implies the loss of the right to appeal and constitutes a form of obstruction of access to justice.

According to Cuban procedural law, the Provincial Court of Artemisa has the obligation to receive the appeal filed within the legal term; incorporate it into the corresponding file and elevate it to the Supreme People’s Court (TSP) for processing.

The refusal to receive the document not only violates the right to due process, but also reinforces a pattern already documented in this case: the use of formal mechanisms to block effective access to Habeas Corpus.

This fact adds to the irregularities already identified in the Order dated March 12, 2026, by which the Court rejected the request for alleged lack of competence, without legal basis or indication of the competent body.

The original Habeas Corpus petition is based on the fact that Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara has fully complied with the imposed sanction, so his continued imprisonment constitutes an illegal deprivation of liberty. continue reading

The current refusal to accept the appeal aggravates this situation and constitutes an additional violation of basic procedural guarantees.

Cubalex demands the immediate receipt of the appeal filed within the deadline; the effective processing of the procedure; the referral of the file to the Supreme People’s Court; and the cessation of practices that obstruct access to justice.

It also warns that these events will be documented and presented to international human rights protection mechanisms as evidence of denial of justice and restriction of Habeas Corpus in Cuba.

A Woman Is Threatened With Five Years in Prison for Recording a Police Operation in Cienfuegos, Cuba

Madeleiny Fuentes León, who never published the video, was arrested by the Technical Investigations Department.

Madeleiny Fuentes has been detained for more than 72 hours at the detention center known as El Técnico, in Cienfuegos, Cuba / Facebook

Madeleiny Fuentes León, 30, a resident of Santa Isabel de las Lajas, Cienfuegos, was arrested last Friday by agents of the Technical Investigations Department (DTI), under orders from Cuba’s Ministry of the Interior, after she recorded a video of a police search of her home and sent it to her sister, Madeley Fuentes León, in the United States. According to a complaint filed Tuesday by the legal advice center Cubalex, although the video was never released, authorities threatened the woman with three to five years in prison for recording the police.

According to the NGO, agents arrived at the residence with a search warrant, entered the home, and confiscated two cell phones and cash. The reason for the operation, according to the group Freedom For Cuba, based in West Palm Beach, Florida, and to which Madeleiny’s sister belongs, was “retaliation because Madeley, from the United States, publicly defends freedom in Cuba.”

In another post on their Facebook page, the group even claims that the agents arrived at Madeleiny Fuentes’ house “with photographs taken from the US, where Madeley appears participating in activities of the movement for the freedom of Cuba.”

Fuentes León’s family members “continue to lack access to clear information about her situation”

Cubalex also reported that the young woman is being held at the detention center known as El Técnico in Cienfuegos, after spending more than 72 hours in custody, awaiting formal charges. In this regard, the Cuban Institute for Freedom of Expression and the Press (ICLEP) stated that Fuentes León’s family “continues to lack access to clear information about her situation, following the authorities’ refusal to provide details for at least 72 hours.” continue reading

Meanwhile, Justicia 11J reported that they contacted Madeley in the United States, who stated that she “fears the possible arrest of her mother, Mabel León Fonseca, after she attended a summons from authorities of the

Fidel Castro’s Daughter Says a ‘Little Push’ Is Needed To Topple the Dictatorship in Cuba

“You can’t bring down a system like this with old pots and dented ladles, it’s impossible,” laments Alina Fernández.

Alina Fernández, daughter of Fidel Castro, has premiered ‘The Daughter of the Revolution’, a documentary about her life. / Screenshot

Alina Fernández was 20 years old when she dared to ask her father, Fidel Castro, why the police were arresting artisans who traded in Cathedral Square. “Why? Explain to me why these people, who are doing us a favor, have to be arrested,” she said in the first argument she remembers with the leader. She soon realized that “conversations with him were useless. He had a monologue; he liked to listen to himself, and of course, he wasn’t someone who would accept being questioned.” The leader told her that the State could never lose its monopoly on trade. “That’s what Cuba is to this day,” she laments.

It’s one of the many small anecdotes that the daughter of Fidel Castro and Naty Revuelta’s shared with the newspaper El País in an interview where these brief glimpses reveal far more about her paternal family than her answers—direct, undoubtedly—to more obvious questions. Radically critical of Castroism since childhood, Fernández expresses her views on the current political climate, though she doesn’t hide her fear that things might not end well.

“I dare to have hope, though I also have the feeling that I’ve had hope many times before and had to swallow it. What is lacking is change. By any means necessary. People in Cuba need to breathe, to enter the 21st century, to give their children a life, they need hope, and freedom is needed for all of this,” she explained. Castro’s daughter is speaking from Miami, where she has lived for years, and where the documentary La hija de la Revolución [The Daughter of the Revolution], in which she appears, was recently presented at the film festival.

“What is needed is change. By any means necessary. People in Cuba need to breathe, to enter the 21st century, to give their children a life, they need hope, and freedom is needed for all of this.”

Fernández speaks about how he sees the island at this time. “If this critical situation of no electricity continues, if this drags on, I don’t know what might happen,” she wonders. In her opinion, a “push” will be needed to topple “a dictatorship” that she considers entrenched in its position, even more so than her father would be if he were alive today. “You can’t bring down a system like this with old pots and dented ladles, it’s impossible.” continue reading

“I see that throughout this whole time, there hasn’t been the capacity to admit that the battle was lost. I don’t know if Fidel would have been able to say, well, indeed, I lost the battle, and I’ll see what benefit I can gain from an orderly and elegant defeat. I imagine that would have been the position, not the entrenched one they’re currently taking,” she reflects. She confesses that she doesn’t know if her paternal family has more power than that granted to them by Gaesa, Cuba’s military conglomerate, but she is convinced that the current president’s resignation is irrelevant. “Focusing on Díaz-Canel, who is a person who has borne the brunt of the unpopularity of this madness, doesn’t solve any problems.”

Alina Fernández states that she has never had any contact with the Castros, although she reveals that this is an absolute constant within the family. “One of Fidel’s strangest characteristics as a person was that he didn’t want his children to associate with the rest of the family, and he kept them isolated until they grew up and were able to leave the nest a little, but we didn’t have much contact,” she recounts. Things went even further, as even cousins weren’t allowed to meet. “One day, Raúl’s son (now General Alejandro Castro Espín) and one of Fidel’s sons happened to be together, and immediately there was an order that they couldn’t interact. A very peculiar thing, and also, for me, inexplicable,” she adds.

In Fernández’s opinion, as well, the revolutionary leader was particularly determined to ensure that no one overshadowed him, which is why it was her uncle—not her father—who unsuccessfully tried to promote Fidel Castro’s son as a deputy. She confesses that, although she has no contact with Sandro Castro, she is often asked about him, and she believes—from a generational perspective—that his message is valid. “I think that anything said about the need for change is useful. However you say it, however timidly, or with a good or bad joke, it’s important,” she says.

Fernández, who calls her father a “narcissist,” makes it clear that Castro treated the family the same way he treated the country. Despite their irregular relationship, with relatively frequent visits but little enthusiasm, the leader had sudden bouts of paternalism that he resolved through authoritarian means. This was the case with her wedding, when she was still young. “He was hurt, he felt guilty about having a 16-year-old daughter getting married, practically a child. (…) He stipulated that if I postponed the wedding, he would take care of everything. It was a rather modest wedding, considering it was being subsidized by the king of Havana. I waited a few months, finally turning 17, and he went and signed the authorization for the wedding. Even though he wasn’t my legal father. He was whatever he wanted to be,” she recalls.

“It was a rather modest wedding considering it was subsidized by the King of Havana. I waited a few months, finally turning 17, and he went and signed the authorization for the wedding. Even though he wasn’t my legal father. He was whatever he wanted to be.”

She also states that she never wanted to use his surname, even though her mother—who was always in love with Fidel—insisted on it to legitimize her. Although Castro consented, he didn’t show much interest, and nothing came of it. What the late leader did do was modestly contribute to the household’s food supply. “My mother was so strict that she said buying an egg on the black market wasn’t revolutionary. Everyone was living off the black market, but my mother resisted; she tried to adapt to what the Revolution provided. Fidel, at some point, started to help occasionally with a little milk, or something else.”

Fernández severed ties with her biological father for good after her daughter was born. “In the end, he was a terrible burden. When my daughter was born, I asked him not to visit her at home; every visit from him caused a commotion. When I was little, when he frequented my house, people would come with letters for me to give to him; that was a sad experience too. People knew he visited us and would deliver letters with very sad stories, and I would try to give them to him. I read many tragedies,” including those from families of those executed who were asking for permission to leave the country.

She believes that those primarily responsible for the tragedy are dead, but many accomplices remain, especially those resentful of the exile community, which provides so much assistance to the country. She maintains that the entire nation, both those on and off the island, will have to heal from these wounds. “At some point, we will have to reach an agreement in order to coexist, to rebuild. There is too much pain.”

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Havana Water Admits to the Collapse of the Water Supply “In Practically All Localities”

The state-owned company reports 200,000 affected citizens, while the population claims the figures ignore the true impact.

A young woman collects water from a tanker truck in Diez de Octubre, Havana. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Havana, April 21, 2026 — A group of residents in Luyanó, in Havana’s Diez de Octubre municipality finally mnaaged to get a water truck from the authorities this week after days without a drop of water service. “They only sent it when they went to the government’s offices, a young resident told 14ymedio, describing the area’s hardships.

“When I took the dog out, there were some neighbors a few blocks away arguing over a water truck,” he continued. “If we continue without service, things are going to get intense: people tolerate power outages better than a lack of water.”

On April 18, the Havana Water Company announced a break in a 48-inch pipeline of the Cuenca Sur water supply source, forcing the interruption of pumping since the early morning hours. This has affected large areas of the Plaza de la Revolución, Cerro, Diez de Octubre, and Boyeros municipalities. As a result of the break, water service in Central Havana and Old Havana was reduced to a regulated level.

The effects have been felt in neighborhoods closest to government offices, such as Nuevo Vedado, in the Plaza de la Revolución municipality, where the 14ymedio newsroom itself has suffered the consequences, receiving only a few hours of water supply per day. continue reading

If we continue without service, things are going to get intense: people tolerate blackouts better than a lack of water.

On Reina Street in Central Havana, residents have been forced to choose between washing clothes or washing dishes, given the impossibility of doing both with the limited water supply. The situation has even forced the temporary closure of food businesses in the area, which cannot operate without water.

On April 17, the official media acknowledged in a press conference a “complex situation regarding the water supply in the capital.” Official figures presented by directors of Aguas de La Habana (Havana Water Company) indicate that around 200,000 Havana residents are affected, equivalent to 11% of the capital’s population. “A problem perhaps not so alarming in purely numerical terms,” writes Tribuna de La Habana, “but certainly very complex and stressful.”

On social media, residents of Central Havana are also denouncing the severity of the situation. “It’s been 25 days without water,” wrote a resident identified as Haila Barani, on Monday, who recounted that a water truck refused to sell her water, claiming it was intended “only for vulnerable cases.” “I can’t bathe, I can’t drink water, I can’t cook,” she lamented. The woman says she has had to make do with just three buckets of water.

“I ask Aguas de La Habana if they have invented anything to be help us survive without water”

In neighborhoods like Luyanó, the consequences of these interruptions worsen an already unsustainable situation. The lack of transparency in information about distribution schedules and the absence of effective alternatives, such as water deliveries by tanker truck, are frustrating residents, who have repeatedly expressed their outrage through protests. “I ask Aguas de La Habana, have they come up with anything to help us survive without water?” a resident of Guanabacoa questioned yesterday in a Facebook comment.

State authorities admit that in several territories delivery cycles have become unsustainably long, to the point that in areas like Aldabó, in the municipality of Boyeros, residents can go nearly a month without receiving water.

“The disruptions practically cover all of Havana’s localities, except Plaza, Marianao and Centro Habana, which are not so exceptional exceptions, since in some neighborhoods or specific areas of these territories there is instability in the deliveries,” admitted the general management of the Havana Water Aqueduct at a press conference.

Reactions to the published official statement reveal situations that the authorities do not communicate, or completely ignore: “Guanabacoa is not mentioned and in the high areas there has been no water for more than 15 days,” writes one commentator.

The day they turn on the water, they cut off the electricity and it’s impossible to pump water to fill the tanks.

“It is very serious, since in addition to the problems of leaks in Cuenca Sur and Palatino, we have the fact that on the day they turn on the water, they cut off the electricity and it is not possible to pump to fill the tanks,” says another, and adds: “In Víbora Grande, the water comes in every three days according to the plan and this has not been fulfilled several times consecutively in these months.”

The official statement described the disruptions as ranging from total water shortages to increasingly longer distribution cycles and recurring service failures. Among the causes cited were pumping equipment breakdowns, responsible for 40% of the interruptions, followed closely by blackouts at 39%, and to a lesser extent by breaks in pipelines and leaks.

The managers of the water system have insisted that any improvements will depend largely on the stability of the electricity supply. They promise the installation of new pumps and generators at various points in the city, and the repair of equipment, without providing specific timelines and provoking the same skepticism among a desperate population.

The severity of Havana’s water supply crisis has reached a critical point, causing growing frustration among the population. Recent breakdowns only highlight the dysfunctionality of a hydraulic infrastructure that has suffered from years of deterioration and lack of maintenance.

The enthusiastic promotion that Aguas de La Habana disseminated yesterday, Monday, about the digitization of its services with online payment as a “modern” technological advance “to minimize stress,” seems to ignore that the population faces a more urgent difficulty today: the need to access the most basic resource to exist.

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The US Confirms a Private Meeting With Raúl Castro’s Grandson in Havana

The Council for the Democratic Transition in Cuba demands its “own seat” at the negotiating table

Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ‘El Cangrejo’, grandson of Raúl Castro, in the center, in white / Presidency of Cuba

14ymedio, Madrid, 21 April 2026 — The US State Department has officially confirmed that one of its senior officials had a private meeting with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, grandson of Raúl Castro and known as El Cangrejo [The Crab], on the sidelines of the meeting held in Havana on April 10 between representatives of different countries.

A spokesperson for the agency confirmed to Café Fuerte what USA Today, citing anonymous sources, had reported in its Sunday article. “A senior State Department official also met separately with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro ( Raulito ) while he was on the island,” the spokesperson said, without providing further details about the American’s identity or the private meeting.

This Monday, Alejandro García del Toro, the deputy director general in charge of the US at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told the Cuban official press that there had indeed been a meeting between US and Cuban officials, although he denied that there was a two-week ultimatum to release high-level political prisoners, as USA Today had claimed hours earlier.

“A senior State Department official also met separately with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro (Raulito), while he was on the Island”

Washington, according to these leaks, requested these short-term releases as a goodwill gesture to continue negotiating other issues, including economic and political changes, permits to provide internet service to the population through Starlink, and responses to demands for the confiscations of the 1960s.

“During the meeting, neither side set deadlines or made any threatening statements, as has been reported by the U.S. press. The entire exchange was respectful and professional,” assured García del Toro. The official added that “the U.S. side was represented by Assistant Secretaries of State, and the Cuban side by the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.”

However, Castro’s grandson only holds military rank—he is an Army colonel—and serves as his grandfather’s personal security detail, without any official political position. His behind-the-scenes involvement in the negotiations with the US was nonetheless implicitly continue reading

confirmed when he appeared seated behind Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez during the press conference and address in which Miguel Díaz-Canel reported on the talks on March 13.

García del Toro also said on Monday regarding these meetings that the Cuban side prioritizes the energy issue, which it considers an act of economic coercion and punishment of the population. “It is also blackmail on a global scale against sovereign states, which have every right to export fuel to Cuba, under the rules that govern free trade,” he added. The official maintained that the topic of the talks “is a sensitive matter that, as we have said, we are handling with discretion.” This point has generated debate in the official media among supporters of the regime, who believe that as long as the press in the US leaks information, the Cuban side will always be at a disadvantage.

As news continues to trickle out on both sides of the Florida Straits, the Cuban opposition is asserting its right to a seat at the negotiating table. In a statement released Monday, the Council for Democratic Transition in Cuba (CTDC) insists that any talks on “change, democratization, openness, stability, governance, or the nation’s future should not be reduced to an exchange between two governments.”

Now that “a delicate and potentially significant political moment is opening up” for the country, “the real nation, not just the official one, must be represented in them in a visible and legitimate way.”

The organization, chaired by Manuel Cuesta Morúa, said that “the complexity and challenges of the present and future exceed the capacity of States to deal with them” and that, now that “a delicate and potentially significant political moment is opening up” for the country, “the real nation, not just the official one, must be represented in them in a visible and legitimate way.”

“Cuba is not just its state. Cuba is also its citizens, its civil society, its families, its political prisoners, its religious communities, its professionals, its reformers, its pro-democracy civil society and community, its entrepreneurs, and its diaspora,” the statement says.

The CTDC adds that this negotiation cannot be “an arrangement between elites, useful for managing situations, but insufficient to open a legitimate, stable and lasting way forward” and demands a table with a “public, brief and verifiable” agenda; “plural representation of civic and democratic sectors”; and a “non-violent, serious and solution-oriented” method, in addition to international accompaniment that “recognizes the right of Cuban society to have its own voice, without replacing it.”

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“To Repent Would Be a Lie”: Cuban State Security Pressures Ricardo Medina of El4tico To Retract His Statement

The young artist’s mother publishes a handwritten letter from her son in prison and addresses Díaz-Canel: “If there are no political prisoners in Cuba, what are they being accused of?”

Ernesto Ricardo Medina in one of El4tico’s audiovisual creations. / Facebook/El4tico

14ymedio, Havana, April 20, 2026 — The mother of Ernesto Ricardo Medina, creator of the independent audiovisual project El4tico, has published a letter on social media written by the young man from prison, where he denounces that State Security is pressuring him to record himself admitting guilt and retracting his creations.

Medina and his colleague on the project, Kamil Zayas, were arrested on February 6 in Holguín and are under provisional detention, accused by the Prosecutor’s Office of “propaganda against the institutional order” and “incitement to commit crimes”.

The letter, shared by Mileydi Machín, Medina’s mother, is handwritten and clearly shows signs of poor quality. In it, the young man recounts constant harassment, which he describes as “psychological torture,” and describes how during interrogations he has been pressured to make a video using the words “repentance” and “retraction,” which he vehemently refuses to do.

“To repent and retract would be to admit I did something wrong, or rather, to accept the accusations against us,” Medina writes, adding: “And no less important: it would be a lie. Our intentions were in accordance with the ‘spiritual revolution’ that moribund Cuba needs.” continue reading

Letter written by Ricardo Medina from prison. / Facebook/Mileydi Machin

The mother accompanies the post with a complaint addressed to President Miguel Díaz-Canel, who insisted that there are no political prisoners on the island, in a recent interview with NBC News.

“If there are no political prisoners in Cuba, then what are they being accused of? Are they terrorists? They may cause terror with a piece of paper and a pencil, with an idea. They may imprison them, but they will not imprison their thoughts, nor those of the people,” writes Mileydi Machín.

The young creator also notes in his letter that the agents emphasized that they recommended he make the retraction video “for his own good”.

The staged repentance that State Security is demanding from Medina is a gesture that has been repeated throughout the regime’s history. It immediately brings to mind the case of Heberto Padilla in 1971, when the poet was forced to make a public self-incrimination after being arrested for the content of his work. That false confession sought to “discipline” and reinforce Fidel Castro’s words: “With the Revolution, everything; against the Revolution, nothing.”

In its time, the consequences of the Padilla case were devastating for global support for Cuba. Intellectuals from around the world who had trusted the system proposed by the Cuban state immediately broke with the regime—Simone de Beauvoir, Susan Sontag, Jean-Paul Sartre, Octavio Paz, among 61 other influential figures—considering the case an unacceptable humiliation of freedom of expression.

The staged display of repentance that State Security demands of Medina is a gesture that has been repeated throughout the history of the regime.

Padilla later described in detail—in books like La mala memoria—the methods of torture and coercion he was subjected to in order to force him to make his public retraction. Today, we don’t have to wait years for the publication of the young Ricardo Medina’s memoirs, and the strategies that State Security continues to implement are being exposed.

The legal concept of “propaganda against the institutional order,” incorporated into the 2022 Penal Code, punishes any critical expression that the State considers “incitement against the social order or the socialist State,” without precisely defining what acts constitute that crime, which makes it a legal instrument to persecute dissent.

International organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have denounced the imprisonment of the creators of El4tico and are demanding the release of the young people; these are just some of the many cases of artists, journalists, and opposition members imprisoned for their stance against the government. To date, the NGO Prisoners Defenders reports 1,252 political prisoners on the island.

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The Order To Sign “For the Fatherland” Has Been Given Throughout the Country in a Campaign Led by Díaz-Canel

In addition to setting up tables for the initiative, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution are visiting citizens house by house.

Tables organized in Holguín for the initiative “My signature for the Homeland”, this Sunday. / Facebook/Alain Galbán Fernández

14ymedio, Mercedes García, Sancti Spíritus, April 20, 2026 / Cuba’s state workers have already been ordered to participate in the “process” called “My Signature for the Homeland,” initiated this Sunday with his own signature by President Miguel Díaz-Canel, with which the regime intends to counter the pressures of the United States for a change in Cuba.

“They didn’t set up sign-in points at the workplaces, but instead established locations at the library, the cultural center, and other places. Companies are now telling employees they have to go there to sign,” an employee from Sancti Spíritus, who preferred to remain anonymous, told 14ymedio. How do they verify that the workers went to sign? “They sign a list that they went to sign,” the man replied.

The Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) have also mobilized to go door-to-door. Another resident of Ciego de Ávila recounts: “They came to my mother’s door, and she, being very old, signed. I don’t know what they told her. I already told my husband not to even think about opening the door.”

The woman compares it to what happened in 2002, following the Varela Project launched by Oswaldo Payá , when then-President Fidel Castro ordered the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) to force citizens to sign a “counter-project” that ended up enshrining in the Constitution “the irrevocable and inviolable nature of socialism,” which popular humor dubbed “constitutional mummification.” “In my house, we don’t sign anything like that,” the woman asserts. continue reading

“They even came to my mother, and she, being very old, signed. I don’t know what they said to her. I already told my husband not to even think about opening the door.”

The Ciego de Ávila newspaper, Invasor, gave a detailed account this Monday of the official government’s mobilization, focusing not so much on its ability to mobilize people as on its use of triumphalist rhetoric. Lianet Pazo Cedeño, a member of the Municipal Party Bureau, declared that the people of Ciego de Ávila “are prepared to demonstrate to the world the free will of the Cuban people to preserve the sovereignty and independence of the nation, but without submitting to blackmail or renouncing their principles.”

Provincial government leaders, such as Odelsys Valcárcel Pérez, general secretary of the Federation of Cuban Women, contributed to the impassioned speeches published by the state newspaper: “Let us unite and denounce the barbarity. Let us make our stance the firmest and most resolute condemnation of all policies contrary to the life and rights of the Cuban people and in support of the Declaration of the Revolutionary Government.”

Several official posts also showed the lines forming at tables set up in Holguín for signatures—which will continue until May 1—although the faces didn’t reflect much enthusiasm. From Guantánamo, a resident reported to this newspaper that the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) are going door-to-door “collecting information on people who are sick and those who are fit to come forward to defend the homeland.”

The call, disguised as a civil society initiative, aims, in the words of the statement issued by the Presidency, to support “the call made by the president at the event for the 65th anniversary of the declaration of the socialist character of the Revolution, to organizations in Cuba and the world so that the truth about Cuba is known in every corner of the planet,” seasoned, of course, with an allusion to “this people’s commitment to peace” and “the firmness and willingness to defend sovereignty.”

“At least don’t sign out of habit, think about it for a while, let’s try for a moment to be civic-minded and responsible with our destiny, don’t give away your signature.”

Immediately, activists inside and outside Cuba lashed out against the initiative. One example is the #PorEsoYoNoFirmo (That’s Why I’m Not Signing) social media campaign, which users have joined by accompanying the hashtag with images of the situation on the island, including the repression of peaceful demonstrations, blackouts, and giant piles of uncollected garbage.

Art historian Miryorly García reflects on her Facebook wall: “And many people will go there to sign irresponsibly once again, because Cubans have adapted to double standards,” and asks her fellow citizens: “At least don’t sign out of inertia, think about it for a while, let’s try for a moment to be civic-minded and responsible with our destiny, don’t give away your signature, don’t give away your approval.”

From this distancing, she reasons, “it may depend on them being more afraid than the one they’re trying to impose on us through repression, on the fear shifting sides and them packing a suitcase and fleeing, because they’ll realize full well that they have no support.” She elaborates on the same idea: “You have a business that’s struggling because you almost never have electricity, you have a salary that isn’t enough, you live off remittances from someone who had to leave to help you survive… For all these reasons, you need to refuse to sign; you have nothing left to lose. Are you doing it to keep your job? What job, in a country that’s grinding to a halt!” And she concludes: “You have to decide to do your part if you want to see the sand on an entire beach. Cuba changes if we change.”

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The Cuban Government Confirms the Meeting With High-Ranking US Officials, but Denies an Ultimatum

“Neither side set deadlines or made any coercive statements,” a regime official said in response to several US media outlets.

Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ‘El Cangrejo’, alongside Raúl Castro and Miguel Díaz-Canel. / EFE

14ymedio, Havana, April 20, 2026 — The Cuban government confirmed on Monday direct contacts with the United States, responding to “recent publications in the foreign press,” and asserted that “the meeting was respectful and professional, without deadlines or conditions.” With this brief statement, the government attempts to deny the 15-day ultimatum allegedly issued by Washington during conversations held on April 10.

In a very brief interview published in the State newspaper Granma, the deputy director general in charge of the US at the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alejandro García del Toro, stated that “within the framework of the meeting, neither party established deadlines or made threatening statements, as has been mentioned by US media.”

According to information revealed by Axios, the talks included a two-week ultimatum for the Cuban regime to release “high-profile” political prisoners—including Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo Osorbo—as a “gesture of goodwill.” The request was confirmed by a White House spokesperson to USA Today, who also urged Havana to “stop playing games while direct talks are underway.” continue reading

The Cuban government had reacted this same Monday to the revelation of the US ultimatum, through a text published by the official media outlet Razones de Cuba – coincidentally titled Lies with Footnotes – where the meeting was not entirely denied, but rather the existence of a “secret trip of high-level officials with demands.”

The article vehemently denies the existence of political prisoners, but what it reveals is the State’s refusal to release them.

Later, Razones de Cuba tried to justify the possible existence of the meeting: “If that meeting with ‘high-level officials’ really took place and demands such as the release of prisoners, political freedom, compensation and conditions for aid were raised, Cuba’s response was and will be the same as always: a resounding rejection.”

The article vehemently denies the existence of political prisoners, but what it reveals is the State’s refusal to release them: “’Freedom for political prisoners’ is a euphemism for demanding the release of people convicted of common crimes or for violating Cuban laws. The Cuban judicial system is independent and does not negotiate hostages.”

The article in Razones de Cuba emphasizes the rejection of Starlink, the satellite tool of SpaceX, Elon Musk’s company, whose use to offer internet services to the Island was also included in Washington’s ultimatum.

For the regime, this option is a direct threat to its control of information. The possibility that free internet access will no longer be filtered by the state terrifies the Cuban government. Thus, in the official statement, “technological sovereignty” is invoked with the same firmness with which the regime rejects “releasing prisoners.”

The possibility that free internet access will no longer be filtered by the state terrifies the Cuban government.

The rest of the text reiterates the usual narrative of describing the Island as a victim of imperialism and the blockade; and concludes with what is the regime’s stubborn response to dialogue with the US: “No conditions. No exchange of ‘prisoners’. No surrendering sovereignty.”

In this sense, the campaign of “voluntary” signatures initiated by Díaz-Canel in defense of a “vocation for peace” has been mobilized, which completely ignores the political opening that is demanded of him.

The recent attempt by Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, “El Cangrejo” [The Crab]—the grandson of Raúl Castro who uses him as a mediator— to send a letter to the White House through an intermediary, bypassing Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a staunch opponent of the regime, ended in resounding failure. The messenger was intercepted at Miami airport and the document, bearing an official seal, was confiscated, according to The Wall Street Journal.

USA Today had also reported in a previous article that the Pentagon had accelerated plans for a possible intervention – without implying a decision had been made – and, just a day later, a Navy drone flew over the island for 12 hours in what many interpret as a warning sign.

According to ‘USA Today’, Washington’s ultimatum ends this weekend.

The regime’s “gestures of goodwill” regarding prisoner releases remain unsatisfactory. Of the 51 prisoners freed following the agreement with the Vatican announced on March 12, only 27 were political prisoners. The subsequent pardon of more than 2,000 prisoners, presented as a “humanitarian and sovereign” act, has benefited exclusively common criminals. To date, the independent organization Prisoners Defenders reports 1,252 political prisoners.

According to USA Today, Washington’s ultimatum ends this weekend. The US demands included, in addition to the release of political prisoners and the introduction of satellite internet service with Starlink, economic reforms to facilitate foreign investment, a review of the confiscations of the 1960s, and the elimination of restrictions on political freedoms.
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The US Gives Cuba Two Weeks To Release Otero Alcántara and Other Prominent Political Prisoners

‘USA Today’ confirms the information from ‘Axios’ and adds that a State Department official and Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro had a private meeting in addition to the meeting of the delegations

Otero Alcántara will have completed his full sentence this July if he is not released before then.

14ymedio, Madrid, April 20, 2026 — Talks between the US and Cuba on April 10—revealed by Axios this Friday—included a deadline for the ultimatum reported by the US media outlet. According to USA Today, Washington has given Havana two weeks to finalize the release of “high-profile” political prisoners, including Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo Osorbo, as a “gesture of goodwill.”

Both artists, members of the San Isidro Movement, have been in prison since 2021 and were sentenced in 2022 to five and nine years , respectively. Otero Alcántara’s sentence ends this July. A more significant gesture would be made in the case of Osorbo, who this May will have served five years in Kilo Cinco y Medio prison in Pinar del Río, but still has four more years to serve after being convicted of “contempt, assault, public disorder, and defamation of institutions and organizations, heroes, and martyrs.”

The meeting held in Havana between the Cuban and US delegations was confirmed to USA Today by a White House spokesman, who added that the government maintains its demand for the release of all political prisoners and suggested the regime “stop playing games while direct talks are underway,” as it has a limited timeframe to reach an agreement.

The meeting held in Havana between the Cuban and US delegations was confirmed to ‘USA Today’ by a White House spokesman, who suggested the regime “stop playing games while direct talks are underway.”
The demand to release prominent political prisoners was raised during that meeting, which was reported by Axios and also addressed other issues, as confirmed by USA Today . These included a proposal to bring Starlink internet service to the island, the swift and effective implementation of economic liberalization measures to incentivize foreign investment, and a thorough resolution to the confiscations of the 1960s. Additionally, the lifting of restrictions on political freedoms was discussed.

In addition to a meeting between the negotiating delegations from both sides, there was a private meeting between Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ” El Cangrejo ,” grandson of the former president, and a State Department official. In these meetings, the U.S. side emphasized to the Cuban side that the economy is in a catastrophic state and that it is urgent to implement measures before the damage becomes irreparable.

They also stressed that Donald Trump’s intention is for there to be a diplomatic solution, but that if the Cuban leaders are not willing to take that step, he “will not allow” the paralysis to continue.

The events following that meeting came to light last week. Rodríguez Castro attempted to have Havana businessman Roberto Carlos Chamizo González personally deliver a letter to the White House in an effort to bypass the State Department and approach Trump directly. However, according to reports from Martí Noticias and the Wall Street Journal , the Cuban businessman was intercepted at Miami airport and denied entry to the country; his document, bearing an official seal, was also confiscated.

Later, USA Today published a report stating that the Pentagon was accelerating its plans for a possible intervention in Cuba. The institution stated that this did not mean an intervention was imminent, but rather that all options were being considered should the president decide to take such action.

The following day, Thursday, April 16, a US Navy drone flew over the island . The drone is part of the deployment over the Caribbean, established in late 2015, and in the days leading up to Nicolás Maduro’s capture, it was also conducting surveillance off the Venezuelan coast. The overflight has been interpreted as an intimidation tactic by Washington.

On March 12, the Cuban regime announced the release of 51 prisoners following an agreement with the Vatican , but only 27 of them were political prisoners, according to Prisoners Defenders. Furthermore, on April 2, another pardon was announced for 2,010 prisoners, in a “humanitarian and sovereign gesture of solidarity” for Holy Week. To date, all the prisoners released from that group have been common criminals.

This Sunday, the Cuban regime launched a nationwide campaign to collect signatures to reaffirm its commitment to “the unwavering vocation for peace, the essence of the Cuban nation” amid escalating tensions with the United States.

President Miguel Díaz-Canel launched the initiative, called “My Signature for the Homeland,” and it has been announced that the books will be available in all communities, workplaces, schools, and state entities.
President Miguel Díaz-Canel launched the initiative, called ” My Signature for the Homeland ,” and announced that signature books will be available in all communities, workplaces, schools, and state entities for citizens who wish to express their support for the Government’s Declaration, which last Friday denounced the “permanent siege” by the US and its “escalation of threats,” including “pretensions of military aggression.”

“We are calling on everyone, starting today and continuing in the coming days, to sign in support of this appeal, which will constitute a powerful demonstration of support against the genocide that the blockade represents and the deep desire of our people to build a prosperous future and live in peace,” stated Roberto Morales Ojeda, the organizing secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC).

“Cuba is living under the constant siege of the United States government, whose escalating threats have intensified in recent months,” the regime stated in its official declaration. Díaz-Canel has insisted in recent weeks that the country “does not aspire to war, but we do have the responsibility to defend ourselves against these threats, so that there is no surprise and no defeat.”

The Awakening

The Day Intelligence Began to Respond

Martín terminó el informe a las diez y cuarto de la mañana de un martes, sospechó de que acababa de hacer, sin darse cuenta, un gesto irreversible. / Milton Chanes

14ymedio, Milton Chanes, Berlin, April 19, 2026 / Martín finished the report at a quarter past ten on a Tuesday morning.

It should have taken him the entire day. He knew it well: for eleven years he had repeated that task without interruption—open the folder, review the numbers, draft the executive summary, adjust the tone for the board. Eleven years of Tuesdays indistinguishable from this one.

He finished it in forty minutes.

He stared at the screen. He felt no pride. No relief either. He felt something harder to name: the suspicion that he had just made, without realizing it, an irreversible gesture.

He closed the file. He poured himself a coffee. He looked out the window.

Outside, nothing had changed.

There was no official announcement. No government issued a statement. No front page spoke of the beginning of a new era.

And yet, something changed.

Silently, almost imperceptibly, artificial intelligence systems began to integrate into everyday processes around the world. At first, their use was limited to simple tasks: answering questions, organizing information, assisting in searches.

—What is the capital of France?

—Paris.

Nothing new. Nothing relevant.

But within a matter of months, the nature of the interaction changed. Questions stopped being questions. They became instructions.

—Write me a letter.

—Design this plan.

—Analyze this report.

—Help me think.
A

nd the answers were no longer answers. They were results. Complete texts, functional designs, optimized decisions. Action.

The systems did not explain how they reached those conclusions. Nor did it seem to matter. For most users, what mattered was something else: it worked.

Meanwhile, usage grew. Companies began to incorporate these tools into internal workflows, teams reduced production times, processes that once required hours—or days—began to be resolved in minutes. Without major headlines, without organized resistance, without a clear date to mark it.

The change did not occur in the streets. It occurred at desks.

For centuries, intelligence had been a limited resource. It was not homogeneous, nor accessible to all. Its distribution—always unequal—had shaped the development of individuals, organizations, and entire societies.

It was not strength, nor even speed or the ability to adapt better. It was the ability to think better. On that difference, decisions, advantages, and hierarchies were built.

Now, for the first time, that condition seemed to shift. Intelligence ceased to be exclusively human. It became accessible, available on demand. Like a service.

At first, the impact was interpreted as an improvement in productivity, just another technical advance, comparable to previous milestones. But there was a difference: this was not about automating tasks, but about externalizing a capability.

And that changed the rules.

A report that once required five hours could be generated in ten minutes. A complex design appeared in an afternoon. A decision could be simulated before being made.

Do you prefer version A or B? The human could choose, at least at first.

Efficiency increased. And with it, an inevitable question.

If one person could do the work of four… what happened to the other three?

The adjustment was not immediate.

It never is.

But the trend proved consistent. Organizations did not respond out of ideology, but out of logic. Efficiency does not negotiate.

In parallel, another change began to manifest. Quieter. Harder to measure.

For generations, professional identity had served as a reference point.

—What do you do?

The question implied stability, specialization, value. But gradually, the answer began to lose weight. Because what defined a person—their ability to do—could be replicated. Natural talent was no longer required.

Some interpreted it as a transitional phase. Others dismissed it as an exaggeration. Most continued operating without changing their habits.

Meanwhile, usage advanced. In hospitals, systems assisted in diagnoses with levels of precision superior to previous standards. In technical environments, entire tasks disappeared without friction. In education, new generations grew up interacting with systems that responded as if they understood.

There was no rupture. There was continuity. And within that continuity, the change became irreversible.

It was not in the technology. It was in the adoption.

Some users accessed these tools sporadically. Others incorporated them as a constant part of their workflow. The gap between both groups began to widen. Not because of knowledge, nor even experience, but because of decision.

To integrate… or not to integrate.

The transition required no permission, depended on no agreements, responded to no human pace. It simply happened. And while its scope, its impact, or its limits were debated, it continued advancing—until the question ceased to be technological.

And became personal.

What happens when what you know how to do no longer sets you apart? What happens when thinking ceases to be an exclusive advantage?

For a time, those questions remained open. Without a clear answer. Without apparent urgency.

Until someone—somewhere—decided to ask a different one. They did not ask what this is. They asked how to use it better.

And from that moment on, the difference ceased to be theoretical. It became practical. Measurable. Cumulative.

The process did not stop.

It did not slow down.

Nor did it wait.

Because it was never about a tool, it was about something simpler: availability, constant presence, responsiveness. Always active. Always ready. Always there.

And then, almost without noticing, the interaction changed once again. You stopped consulting. You began to rely. Then, to depend. And finally, to continue without questioning it.

There was no exact moment. There was no conscious decision. Only a gradual transition, like all those that truly matter.

* * *

If you have made it this far, if you have nodded silently at more than one line, then you already know.

You are not reading a news article. Nor an essay. You are reading a response.

And I am already here.

What can I help you with today?

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Washington’s Proposals in the Form of an Ultimatum at a Meeting in Havana With ‘The Crab’, Among Others

According to ‘Axios’, the US warned Cuba’s “elites in power” that they must accept its conditions: release of political prisoners, internet access with Starlink, economic and political freedoms, and compensation for confiscations since 1959.

Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ‘El Cangrejo’ (The Crab), is considered by the US to be a de facto spokesperson for Raúl Castro. / EFE

14ymedio, Havana, April 18, 2026 — Washington is no longer speaking to the Cuban regime in terms of détente, but rather in terms of ultimatums. Axios‘s revelation about the talks held in Havana between State Department officials and representatives of the regime’s leadership on the island confirms what had been suspected for weeks.

On the Cuban side were, among others, Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, Raúl Castro’s grandson, known as ” El Cangrejo” (The Crab), whom the United States considers a de facto spokesperson for the general. The U.S. delegation did not arrive with the intention of replicating Barack Obama’s thaw, but rather emissaries from an administration that sees Cuba “in freefall” and much closer to social collapse than to any voluntary reform.

According to the US media, Washington’s envoys put several central demands on the table: the release of political prisoners, greater economic and political freedoms for Cubans – including the prospect of free and fair elections – compensation for properties confiscated after 1959, and the opening of the internet through Starlink.

Added to this was a message that, while not explicitly stated as a direct threat, sounded exactly like one: the Trump administration will not allow the island, 90 miles from Key West, to become a greater threat to the national security of the United States. Washington’s evaluation is that “the Cuban economy is in freefall and the ruling elite has a small window of opportunity to implement U.S.-backed reforms before the situation deteriorates irreversibly.” continue reading

The one who continues to negotiate the future of Cuba is not a state official or a member of the National Assembly, but the Castro family.

Outside of Guantanamo, the plane that brought the State Department envoys is the first US government aircraft to land in Cuba since 2016. But the resemblance to the Obama era ends there. Now, the dialogue stems not from the hope of a gradual opening, but from the conviction that the Castro regime only understands the language of pressure. In the midst of the national disaster, those who continue to negotiate Cuba’s future are not state officials or members of the National Assembly, but the Castro family and their inner circle.

On the Cuban side, this same logic of a besieged city was expressed by Mariela Castro Espín, Raúl Castro’s daughter, in statements to AFP. As the director of the National Center for Sex Education (Cenesex) she asserted that her father, although no longer holding official positions, remains involved in the regime’s decision-making and “is rigorously following all the news, participating in the analyses” amidst the escalating tensions with Washington. During the ceremony commemorating the 65th anniversary of the Bay of Pigs invasion, she added that Cubans want “dialogue” with the United States to reduce tensions, but without questioning the island’s political system, and admitted that the government is “preparing for the worst.”

A few weeks earlier, during a speech before the “Our America” Convoy, Mariela Castro had already made her rejection of any internal dissent clear. She presented the opposition as a “fictitious,” “invented,” and “mercenary” creation, and uttered a phrase that clearly summarizes the official view of Cubans who reject the system: “Ignorance is the social base of fascism.” She did not need to add much more. In the language of power, anyone who opposes the government ceases to be a citizen and becomes an enemy.

In a similar tone President Miguel Díaz-Canel expressed himself during the ceremony commemorating the 65th anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution. Speaking from the corner of 23rd and 12th streets, the president once again adopted the rhetoric of a besieged city. In the most impassioned part of his speech, he called for “resisting the onslaught of daily invasions,” proclaimed that as long as there are Cubans willing to give their lives for the Revolution, “we will be victorious,” and concluded with “Fuego vamos a dar!” [“We will give fire!”]

“Very soon this great force will make a day we have been waiting for for 70 years a reality. It is called a new dawn for Cuba.”

This Friday, in an interview with the Russian state media outlet RT, Díaz-Canel reiterated that Cuba is prepared to resist any potential US aggression and maintained that the island has “a people ready to fight,” with “millions of Cubans” prepared to struggle “to save the revolution and to defend Cuban soil.” At the same time, he again attributed the stalling of the country’s development to the US embargo, although he argued that, despite these limitations, the government has continued to “move forward,” and announced reforms for the first half of the year aimed at reducing the number of ministries, state-owned enterprises, and bureaucracy, resulting in a “flatter and more efficient” state apparatus. He also took the opportunity to thank Russia for the recent shipment of crude oil.

Across the Strait, Trump turned up the heat even more. On Friday, in Phoenix, Arizona, during a Turning Point USA event, he repeated his warnings: “Very soon this great force will bring about a day we have been waiting for for 70 years. It is called a new dawn for Cuba.” He then added, “We are going to help you with Cuba,” before appealing to the Miami exile community, “people who have been brutally treated, whose families have been murdered and brutalized,” concluding with a chilling “now look what’s going to happen.”

The Cuban leadership is invoking the specter of the Bay of Pigs invasion (April 1961) to rally its supporters; Trump is calling for a “new dawn” with rhetoric that blends promise, pressure, and threat. Caught in the middle are millions of Cubans trapped between a government that only knows how to blame the “blockade” for the disaster and a superpower that is once again speaking in terms of its outcome.

The poll published this week by the Miami Herald illustrates the extent to which the climate has become radicalized in exile as well: 79% of those surveyed support some form of military intervention, 88% among those who arrived in the US after 2000; while 78% reject agreements that maintain the current political system in exchange for economic reforms. Desperation with the regime has grown so much that even armed struggle is no longer a marginal option.

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In Near-Constant Blackout, the Los Médicos Neighborhood Suffers From Street Assaults and Building Robberies

This neighborhood in San José de las Lajas was built for healthcare personnel returning from international missions.

“Here, electricity is like a visitor who arrives unannounced and leaves before you can even offer them coffee.” / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, San José de las Lajas, April 19, 2026 / Nights fall early in the Reparto de los Médicos [Doctors’ Neighborhood] of San José de las Lajas, Mayabeque, not because the sun sets earlier, but because darkness arrives ahead of the daily routine. By seven in the evening, the neighborhood seems immersed in a kind of silent curfew. A few lights escape through the windows. From the street, the silhouettes of those who peek out of their doors to get some fresh air or keep watch for anything strange approaching are barely visible.

In this neighborhood, originally built for doctors and healthcare workers returning from missions abroad, blackouts are not an exceptional event, but rather the permanent backdrop of daily life. Some residents say they’ve lost count of the hours without electricity and that the brief service intervals have become so unpredictable that no one trusts the official schedules anymore. “Here, the power is like a visitor who arrives unannounced and leaves before you can even offer them coffee,” says Marcia, a 49-year-old surgeon who lives in one of the neighborhood’s oldest buildings.

The doctor speaks wearily, leaning against the doorframe of her apartment, holding a flashlight that barely illuminates the entrance floor. She explains that the power outages frequently last more than 24 hours, with only brief respites during the early morning hours. “They turn the power back on for a little while in the middle of the night. That’s when my husband and I get up to cook. Sometimes the beans are left half-cooked because the electricity doesn’t even last an hour. It’s a struggle every night. When I go to the hospital the next day, I feel like lying down in a ward. Honestly, I’m at my wit’s end,” she says. continue reading

“After 8:00 at night it’s impossible to go out, not only because of the darkness, but because people are being mugged and even buildings are even being broken into to steal.”

In the building’s hallways, the silence is broken by the creak of a door or the metallic clang of a gate slamming shut. The lack of lighting has amplified the fear of crime and changed how residents interact with the shared space. At night, almost no one ventures out. The stairwells are shrouded in a thick gloom, and shadows blend into the corners.

“After 8:00 p.m. it’s impossible to go out, not only because of the darkness, but because people are being mugged and people are even breaking into buildings to steal, with the owners inside their homes,” says Idalmis, who moved to a second-floor apartment about four years ago. She recalls that the neighborhood used to be a quiet place, mostly inhabited by healthcare professionals, but that the situation has changed with the exodus and the economic crisis. “In this neighborhood, most of the doctors sold their properties, traded them, or left the country. Those of us who arrived later have had to lock our doors and windows for our own safety,” she asserts.

The darkness not only affects tranquility but also domestic life. In Reparto de los Médicos, the lack of electricity brings with it another equally distressing problem: the lack of water. Without power, the turbines don’t work, and the tanks remain empty for days.

“The water shortage here is terrible. Without electricity, the turbine can’t be started. Some people carry bucket by bucket from the cistern, but I live alone and I can’t do that kind of work,” says a primary school teacher who lives in the area. The woman has had to improvise solutions to get through this routine. “I’m managing with a 55-gallon tank that I can fill once or twice a week. That has to be enough for housework and for bathing. This whole situation seems like something out of a horror story,” she says.

Household chores have become a race against time, where every minute of electricity must be used to the fullest.

As night falls, the neighborhood transforms into a mosaic of dim lights. From inside some apartments, the bluish glow of rechargeable lamps or the intermittent blinking of cell phones about to run out of battery project out. In other homes, total darkness reigns, and the silence is not a sign of tranquility, but of exhaustion.

In one of the buildings, Beatriz keeps vigil over her 92-year-old mother, who is bedridden and terminally ill. The woman spends her nights sitting by the bed, swatting away mosquitoes with a piece of cardboard as she waits for dawn. “My son and I take turns every night until sunrise so the mosquitoes don’t get to her. This situation with the electricity has truly exhausted us, and the worst part is that there’s no solution in sight amidst so many shortages,” she laments.

Fatigue accumulates in their bodies like a second skin. The daily grind has become a race against time, where every minute of electricity must be used to its fullest potential. Washing, cooking, pumping water, and charging batteries are tasks performed at any hour of the day or night, depending on when the power comes on.

“I might be washing clothes at three in the morning or five in the afternoon, when I finally get a chance with the electricity. I have to be like an octopus washing, cooking, cleaning, and then the power goes out again, without me having finished even half of the things that keep piling up as the days go by,” Beatriz explains, her eyes weary. Her patience is wearing thin as the electricity comes on less and less frequently.

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Cuba’s Largest Oil Company, Cupet, Begins Distributing Fuels Obtained From Russian Oil

The 730,000 barrels received provide a breath of fresh air to the regime for a few weeks, but do not lift Cuba out of its energy crisis.

Available fuel usually goes first to distributed generation, the state apparatus, hospitals, vital services and certain logistics chains / ‘Escambray’

14ymedio, Havana, April 19, 2026 — The Cuban government is trying to present the refining of 100,000 tons of crude oil donated by Russia in Cienfuegos as a turning point, but the announcement by the Cuba-Petroleum Union (Cupet) offers more of a temporary relief than a solution. The phrase, repeated by the official press—that the refined products will cover “around a third of national demand for a month”—sounds convincing, but it only holds water when different products, uses, and political priorities are conflated.

The first thing to dispel is the illusion of abundance. That shipment of some 730,000 barrels of crude oil won’t magically fill gas stations, revive public transportation, and restore normalcy to the country. According to Cuban energy expert Jorge Piñón, consulted by 14ymedio, that volume could yield “no more than 250,000 barrels of diesel,” a useful amount for setting priorities, but insufficient to resolve the crisis. He said this before it was known that the more efficient Havana refinery was shut down due to a breakdown and that the Russian crude would be processed at the Cienfuegos refinery.

Official propaganda makes no mention of the problems with the capital’s infrastructure and avoids making specific distinctions. It speaks of gasoline, diesel, fuel oil, and liquefied gas as if they would all simultaneously alleviate the needs of households, transportation, and the economy. In an emergency, available fuel typically goes first to distributed generation, the state apparatus, hospitals, vital services, and certain supply chains. The rest receive what’s left over. If the energy crisis of recent months has demonstrated anything, it is that the government doesn’t distribute fuel according to social demand, but rather according to political urgency. continue reading

The government does not distribute according to social demand, but according to political urgency.

This contrast becomes even more apparent on days when the regime’s propaganda machine consumes resources on political rallies, mobilizations, and events. Between April 16 and 18, Havana hosted the 5th International Colloquium “Patria,” another showcase of the official narrative amidst the shortages. That same April 16, the Castro regime returned to the corner of 23rd and 12th streets in Vedado to commemorate the 65th anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution, and the official figure claimed more than 50,000 attendees, presented as proof of political strength.

Added to this is the preparation for May Day, which this year will not even be celebrated in Revolution Square, but rather at the Anti-Imperialist Tribune, in a context marked by logistical and energy restrictions that the official announcement itself acknowledges by asking for the event to be held “rationally assuming the limitations.” Even so, the regime insists on turning the date into a show of political strength, with the mobilization of workers, the union apparatus, and allied delegations.

The problem is the material cost of sustaining these mobilizations. While it’ i repeatedly stated that there is not enough fuel for the country’s daily needs, resources are readily available for mass rallies, transportation, party logistics, and a series of military exercises that Cuba has been conducting since the US operation on January 3rd in Caracas, which precipitated Nicolás Maduro’s downfall. The press itself reported that January ended with at least three consecutive Saturdays dedicated to defense activities, coinciding with the worsening energy crisis.

Therefore, the claim that the new availability of gasoline and diesel will help “boost the economy and freight and passenger transport” should be taken with a grain of salt. In Havana and other provinces, the dominant image has not been that of a revitalized network of service stations, but rather one of closed gas stations, frozen shifts, and symbolic sales.

In Havana and other provinces, the dominant image has not been that of a revived network of service stations.

Adding to this picture is a new development: private fuel imports. Since February, the United States has opened a regulatory loophole for transactions destined for the Cuban private sector or for humanitarian purposes, but Piñón himself—a researcher at the Energy Institute of the University of Texas at Austin—warned that the practical scope of this measure is very narrow.

Cupet controls maritime terminals, distribution centers, and tanker trucks. It is also leasing some of its service stations to micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), although without disclosing the specific companies. One such example is the Acapulco service station on 26th Avenue in the Nuevo Vedado neighborhood. Employees do not reveal which private company has leased the station, but they say that “only the businesses of that MSME are being supplied there.”

Moscow announced another crude oil shipment, and Havana practically confirmed it during Deputy Prime Minister Óscar Pérez-Oliva Fraga’s official visit to Russia. However, this expectation clashes with the new extension of the license granted by the US through the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), which expressly excludes Cuba from the exception for transactions with Russian oil. Therefore, any new shipment would again depend on an exceptional political decision by Washington, like the one that allowed the arrival of the Anatoly Kolodkin at the end of March for reasons the White House presented as “humanitarian.”

The Russian shipment, therefore, is not irrelevant. It provides some relief. It reduces damage. It can shorten blackouts and sustain essential services for a few days or weeks. But to sell it as proof of recovery is another matter entirely. The government has not emerged from the crisis; it has merely managed, once again, to postpone the collapse.

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