Translating Cuba – English Translations of Cubans Writing From the Island

Experts Estimate Cuba’s Oil Debt to Venezuela at a Minimum of $20 Billion

Caracas once sent the Island as much as 157,000 barrels a day, three times the amount agreed upon with Hugo Chávez in 2000.

Venezuela’s oil supplies came to far exceed the Island’s consumption and processing capacity, according to Venezuelan oil economist Rafael Quiroz Serrano. / EFE/STR

14ymedio, Madrid, October 10, 2026 – Venezuelan economists estimate that Cuba’s debt to Venezuela amounts to more than $20 billion, stemming from the well-known Comprehensive Cooperation Agreement, which lasted 25 years and established the supply of Venezuelan oil in exchange for technical, medical, and sports services provided by the Cuban Government.

Unlike a previous report published by the Miranda Center for Democracy, which puts the value of the oil sent by Caracas at $44.5 billion, the experts cited by Televen TV focus on Havana’s debt.

Oil economist Rafael Quiroz Serrano, interviewed by the Venezuelan outlet, stated that the state-owned oil company Petróleos de Venezuela (Pdvsa) sometimes sent as much as 157,000 barrels per day (bpd) to Cuba.

The expert confirmed that Venezuelan supplies came to far exceed the Island’s consumption and processing capacity. Cuba’s daily consumption under normal conditions is 110,000 barrels, of which 40,000 come from domestic crude oil. “It was later discovered that many of those barrels of [Venezuelan] oil were being resold on the international market,” Quiroz Serrano maintained. continue reading

“It was later discovered that many of those barrels of oil were being resold on the international market”

The Comprehensive Cooperation Agreement between Cuba and Venezuela, negotiated by Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro in 2000, initially established shipments of 53,000 bpd of oil and petroleum products. The agreement provided for a 15-year repayment period, the possibility of financing between 5% and 25% of the invoice, and a preferential interest rate of 2%. In exchange, Cuba would provide healthcare personnel, doctors, and technical assistance for social and agricultural programs, among other services.

Between 2005 and 2012, Venezuelan shipments averaged around 105,000 bpd, according to a report by the Miranda Center for Democracy, a U.S. organization sponsored by the Republican Party. Beginning in 2013, as Venezuelan production declined, the figures fell. During those years, the figures reported in the study reached averages of 69,000 bpd in 2016 and 55,000 in 2017.

By 2023, Reuters was reporting approximately 56,000 bpd, and in 2024, 32,000. Quiroz Serrano notes in the Televen report that by 2025, only around 30,000 bpd were being shipped, and that shipments were halted beginning January 31 of this year, after Trump signed an order imposing tariffs on countries supplying oil to Cuba.

Cuba’s debt remains outstanding, but the exact amount of those unpaid obligations is impossible to calculate because of the nature of the agreement. Economist and former Pdvsa executive José Toro Hardy points out: “It is difficult to estimate the figure because everything was shrouded in secrecy, but I estimate that Cuba’s debt to Venezuela must have been in the range of $25 billion. They never paid anything, and I doubt they will pay now.”

“It is difficult to estimate the figure because everything was shrouded in secrecy, but I estimate that Cuba’s debt to Venezuela must have been in the range of $25 billion”

Specialist Quiroz Serrano explains the difficulty of calculating the debt: “For accounting purposes, it was impossible for Pdvsa, because they could not figure out how to determine the salaries of the sports coaches, educators, doctors, and nurses.”

The agreement was criticized from the outset by Venezuelan economists, who considered it “a bad deal.” Former Pdvsa executive Toro Hardy went before the Supreme Court of Justice at the time in an attempt to stop it, arguing that it first had to be approved by the National Assembly, but his appeal was dismissed. “That was an entirely political program; the objective was to subsidize Cuba by any means necessary,” Toro Hardy now points out.

The report prepared by the Miranda Center for Democracy estimated that since 2000, Venezuela had transferred to Cuba an amount of oil valued at $44.5 billion in current dollars, $63.8 billion in inflation-adjusted value. As early as 2016, however, Nicolás Maduro put Venezuela’s “investment” in the exchange at around $250 billion, a very likely exaggeration.

The Televen report now argues that the resources Venezuela failed to collect contributed to the country’s declining GDP and to deficits that worsened its crisis. As examples, it mentions that stabilizing the national electricity system would have required between $9 billion and $15 billion, while restoring the drinking water network would have cost $3.3 billion.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Much Advertising and Few Goods at Matanzas’s New Neighborhood Market

The establishment, now managed by a micro, small, and medium-sized enterprise (mipyme), retains the shortages of the former state-run grocery store and limits electronic payments to five customers a day.

El Rincón has a new manager, scales, and QR codes, but it retains an old specialty of Cuban commerce: explaining why the item the customer needs is missing. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, Matanzas, October 10, 2026 — With a dark cloth shopping bag tucked under his arm and walking with difficulty, a man crosses at the Versalles traffic light toward the newly opened Neighborhood Market. There are no lines on the corner, no trucks unloading goods, and no crowds of neighbors gathered in front of the doors. A small sign on the façade, partially hidden by a traffic sign, serves as a reminder that the El Rincón grocery store, well known in Matanzas, once operated there. The building is now leased to a mipyme and is part of one of the Cuban government’s latest experiments aimed at trying to revive retail commerce.

Several illuminated lamps catch the eye from the sidewalk. They operate thanks to a solar panel and stand in contrast to the blackout that has left much of 51st Street in darkness this Wednesday. However, even all that light cannot dispel the establishment’s dreary appearance. The sky-blue walls, columns painted a more intense shade, and long granite counter retain the atmosphere of a state-run grocery store where the scarce goods available through the ration book were distributed for decades.

Two electronic scales, immaculate and ready for use, sit on the counter. Behind them, shelves display products spaced far enough apart to make the emptiness all the more obvious. There are bottles of cooking oil, cans of beer, packages of cookies, toiletries, and a few canned goods. Nothing suggests the abundance promised for these new establishments.

“This place is just as empty as before,” the man with the shopping bag remarks to the clerk, who greets him with his arms crossed. Without wasting time examining the offerings written in chalk on a blackboard, he begins his questioning: Is there chicken in packages or by the pound? Mortadella? Cooking oil? Disposable razors? Each question is met with a shake of the head. continue reading

The sky-blue walls, columns painted a more intense shade, and long granite counter retain the atmosphere of a state-run grocery store. / 14ymedio

“I just can’t understand why they promise so many things if, when it comes down to it, the only thing that changes is the name of what they do,” he complains as he looks over the prices. A tube of Colgate toothpaste costs 500 pesos, honey costs 750, Mayabe beer costs 520, and toilet bleach costs 350. Filling a shopping bag requires several thousand pesos and a fair amount of imagination.

“Well, then get me an espresso, if the coffee machine works. How much does it cost?” he asks resignedly. The cup costs 40 pesos, but once again he has no luck: the coffee beans have run out, and they are not making any. The machine sits on a small shelf, for the moment as useless as the scales with no merchandise to weigh.

“The problem is that we’re just getting started. Tomorrow or the day after, we should receive cooking oil and some meat products. It’s a gradual process,” the employee explains. From the street, a motorcyclist interrupts the conversation to remind him to set aside a package of croquettes for him until later. At least someone seems to have found something to buy.

El Rincón was renovated in 2025 by the Municipal Directorate of Commerce. The state investment ended up refurbishing a premises now operated by the private sector under the Neighborhood Markets program. Among the advertised advantages is the option of paying by electronic transfer, although reality once again adds fine print to the promise.

“I just can’t understand why they promise so many things if, when it comes down to it, the only thing that changes is the name of what they do.” / 14ymedio

A sign displaying QR codes presides over the counter, but the clerk explains that, for now, they only accept payments through Transfermóvil from the first five customers each day. “We’re short of cash, but a solution will be found for everything,” he assures the customer.

Another shopper asks whether a carton of eggs still costs 3,800 pesos. The employee nods and clarifies that only one tray remains. “That’s practically my monthly salary,” comments the man with the shopping bag, who still has not found anything to take home for a meal.

Outside, Versalles continues its daily routine amid motorcycles, faded façades, and power outages. Inside, El Rincón has a new manager, scales, and QR codes, but it retains an old specialty of Cuban commerce: explaining why the item the customer needs is missing.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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“Trump, Military Intervention Now!”, a New Sign at the Mayabe Cemetery in Holguín

In June 2025, more than twenty graffiti messages on the same wall prompted a major police deployment

It is not the first time that signs against the Cuban regime have appeared on the wall of the Mayabe cemetery. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Miguel García, Holguín, October 10, 2026 — A new sign appeared this Saturday on the wall of the Mayabe cemetery in Holguín, this time with a message directed at the U.S. president: “Trump, military intervention now!”, written in large blue letters on the white wall bordering Avenida de los Internacionalistas, as 14ymedio observed at the scene. The graffiti is signed with the initials CLH, which stand for the Free Commandos of Holguín.

“The sign is brand-new because State Security hasn’t arrived yet,” a local resident said. A vehicle belonging to a state-owned company parked beside the wall, and one of its occupants tried to scrape off the paint but was unsuccessful.

A vehicle belonging to a state-owned company parked beside the wall, and one of its occupants tried to scrape off the phrase but was unsuccessful

It is not known what time the sign was painted, but this type of dissident graffiti is often produced at night or in the early morning hours, when darkness is greatest.

The group known as the Free Commandos of Holguín is a clandestine organization that, since at least September 2026, has been credited with several signs against the regime at different locations throughout the city, including Plaza de los Chinos, the area around Lenin Hospital, the provincial government building, and bus terminals.

This is not the first time that the wall has become the setting for a protest against the regime. On June 12, 2025, more than twenty anti-government signs appeared along approximately 200 meters of the wall. “Homeland and Life,” “Díaz-Canel, you motherfucker,” “Freedom for the People,” and “Down with the dictatorship” were among the slogans, which were painted in black at the time. continue reading

This is not the first time that the wall has become the setting for a protest against the regime.

The authorities’ response was much more dramatic then than what had been observed so far this Saturday. Agents from the Ministry of the Interior kept watch over the cemetery and its surroundings while the letters were scraped off, even using machetes. They also brought in a tanker truck loaded with lime to cover the messages. An electric tricycle driver who passed by the scene told 14ymedio at the time that he had been afraid of being arrested by the Police.

Last September, the façade of the theater at the Central University of Las Villas in Santa Clara awoke to an enormous “Down with Canel.” The authorities covered the graffiti with Cuban flags and flags of the July 26 Movement, while State Security tried to identify those responsible.

The repression of such actions has also reached the courts. University professor Ariel Manuel Martín Barroso was sentenced to ten years in prison in Sancti Spíritus for several pieces of graffiti against the regime, including “Down with Díaz-Canel” and “Homeland and Life.”

The Cuban Conflict Observatory recorded 42 pieces of graffiti against the regime in February 2026 and another 70 in March, appearing on walls, fences, and streets in different parts of Cuba.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Caritas Receives US Aid for Vulnerable Families in the Diocese of Pinar del Río, Cuba

The shipment includes 700 food kits and 700 hygiene modules, as part of the $100 million package announced by Washington

The diocesan bishop, Monsignor Juan de Dios Hernández Ruiz, S.J., and the director of Caritas Pinar del Río, Abel Castillo López. / Caritas Cuba

EFE/14ymedio, Madrid, October 9, 2026 / A shipment of humanitarian aid sent by the United States arrived this Thursday at José Martí International Airport in Havana, bound for vulnerable families in the Diocese of Pinar del Río. Caritas Cuba reported that the shipment includes 700 food kits and another 700 hygiene modules.

The diocesan bishop, Juan de Dios Hernández Ruiz, and the director of Caritas Pinar del Río, Abel Castillo López, received the cargo at the air terminal together with volunteers and airport staff. Distribution will take place in the parish of Candelaria and in the community of Quiebra Hacha, which belongs to the parish of Mariel. Although they are part of the Pinar del Río diocese, both communities are in the province of Artemisa.

Caritas volunteers identified the beneficiary families in advance and coordinated the receipt and delivery of the donation. The organization says the distribution will be guided “by transparency, equity and social justice.”

The aid will prioritize elderly people living alone; pregnant or breastfeeding women with identified risks; children under five years of age in vulnerable situations; and people with disabilities or who are bedridden and unable to care for themselves. continue reading

We are fully aware that we cannot reach everyone, and that is a reality that pains us. Resources are limited and priority is given to those who need it most

In a statement, Hernández Ruiz acknowledged the limits of the shipment: “As a Church, we are fully aware that we cannot reach everyone, and that is a reality that pains us. Resources are limited and priority is given to those who need it most.”

The shipment is part of the $100 million humanitarian aid package announced by Washington in May. Of that amount, $60 million would be channeled through the Catholic Church, with the collaboration of Caritas Cuba and Catholic Relief Services; the other $40 million would be handled by other organizations.

The first 18-ton shipment arrived in Havana last July. In September, the US Embassy announced that the aid would also reach Pinar del Río and four other provinces: Camagüey, Ciego de Ávila, Cienfuegos and Matanzas. Days earlier, Caritas had received in Santa Clara another shipment of 700 food and hygiene modules, intended for communities in Villa Clara.

So far in October, the Dioceses of Camagüey province and the parish of Gaspar in Ciego de Ávila, also in the central region, have received shipments as well.

The US State Department announced in May that the $100 million in aid would be “direct humanitarian assistance to the Cuban people, which would be distributed in coordination with the Catholic Church and other independent and trustworthy humanitarian organizations.”

The arrival of the donations comes at a time of heightened verbal confrontation between Havana and Washington, considered the greatest tension in decades in their contentious relations.

The aid arrives in the midst of a deep economic crisis that the island has been suffering for six years, aggravated by the pandemic, failed national policies and US sanctions. The crisis is reflected in shortages of food, fuel and medicine, galloping inflation, prolonged blackouts and growing dollarization.

Since January, Washington has added a policy of “maximum pressure,” which includes an oil blockade and, since May, secondary measures against vital sectors of the Cuban regime’s economy, which have worsened the economic and energy crisis.

Translated by GH.

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Private Medical Services in Cuba: The Government Sees Them as a Crime, the Public as a Solution

Camagüey health authorities threaten “the full rigor of the law against those who violate the regulations”

Some users reproach the Government for the fact that a distinction is indeed made for foreigners, who can access private medicine. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, October 9, 2026 / The General Health Directorate of Camagüey was quick to react to reports in the independent press about a private establishment in the province that offers medical services of all kinds, which are expressly prohibited under Cuban law. The news broke this Wednesday in several media outlets that echoed a social media post in which the business, Dalia Spa, advertised everything from internal medicine and cardiology consultations to ultrasounds, gynecological procedures and laboratory tests, all of them in dollars.

“We must be categorical: in our country the practice of private medicine is not permitted under any circumstances or form of payment. There is no legal basis whatsoever that protects this activity, which is explicitly prohibited in Decree-Law 160 of 2026,” declares the public body, which justifies its statement by citing the outrage these advertisements have provoked among some sectors of the population, including health professionals.

“Any person, whether a health professional or a private individual, who attempts to practice or promote these activities is engaging in an illicit activity and, therefore, committing a crime. The health and judicial authorities of the province will act with the full rigor established by law against those who violate these regulations,” the health authorities maintain. continue reading

“Any person, whether a health professional or a private individual, who attempts to practice or promote these activities is engaging in an illicit activity and, therefore, committing a crime”

Despite the disastrous state of the public health system, the message reminds readers that health care is “a right of the people and a duty of the State.” “We will not allow,” it continues, “individual interests or profit-making practices outside the law to damage the health system that we have built and that belongs to all Cubans. We urge the population not to be deceived by fraudulent offers and to report to the competent authorities any attempt to profit from human health,” the text concludes.

The statement has set off a debate on social media. More than 200 messages responded to the post in its first 12 hours online, an absolute anomaly considering that the rest of this Thursday’s posts have zero comments. “Social media is a way of knowing the opinion of the population and, if you look, more than half of the comments spoke in favor of combining the private sector with the state sector as a solution to the real crisis that public health is facing right now,” one user summed up perfectly.

Countless users asked why private professional practice is not permitted in the medical sector, most of them underlining how positive it would be to combine it with the public system for those who cannot afford paid services.

“As a doctor who works outside Cuba, and who has worked in both sectors, private and public, I’m going to say the following: the private system is not for everyone; that’s not how it works anywhere in the world. It is designed for those who can afford it, which will never relieve governments of the responsibility to guarantee a public system with adequate conditions,” wrote a doctor trained at the Carlos J. Finlay University of Medical Sciences of Camagüey who currently works in the US, according to her bio.

Some negative comments object that the private system is a business. “Cuba can’t be compared to France or Spain, stop the absurd comparisons,” chides a user opposed to the mixed systems that most of the responses advocate. “The day I have to pay for medical services, the little that remains will be finished. I’m referring to humanism and to commerce. We will become a commodity,” she adds.

The vast majority, however, believe that under the current conditions of the public system there is no guarantee that the population will receive adequate treatment, and they would rather have a private system for those who can afford it. “I don’t see anything wrong with that business existing, even though I’m one of the many citizens who can’t pay for those services. But at least it’s available for those who can, or for those who somehow manage to scrape together the money to pay. I even felt a bit of relief when I saw the advertisement, because at least it’s an option. Because it’s much worse to have no alternative at all,” one commenter asserts.

The one who really touches the sore spot is the person demanding that the regime explain why foreigners are allowed to have better facilities by paying

However, the one who really touches the sore spot is the person demanding that the regime explain why foreigners are allowed to have better facilities by paying. “Well, to keep that from happening, create humane conditions for doctors and institutions. Besides, they have collected plenty of money over all these years from the missions, and from patents on medicines that were created here and that many people don’t know about. Why can an international Cuban clinic charge for the service, while a doctor who genuinely wants to offer his services cannot?” the commenter asks.

Dalia Spa, the beauty center that has landed in the eye of the storm, remains silent, although it is exposed to penalties for publicly advertising services prohibited by law. Centers that charge for medical procedures and tests are proliferating beyond this specific case. Yesterday, this newspaper managed to contact one of the many clinics offering dental services in Havana and confirmed that an appointment can be made, although customer service avoids giving the address until the last moment.

Translated by GH

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Cuba’s State-Owned Gaviota Group Has Kept Almost 90% of Its More Than 30,000 Rooms Closed

Gaesa’s tourism subsidiary reopens a luxury hotel in Varadero, for adults only and with a minimum price of $363 per night

Gaviota relaunched it in August 2025 as Playa Luxury Varadero, the same name it is now using to announce its “opening”. / Gaviota Hotels

14ymedio, Havana, October 10, 2026 / Of the more than 30,000 hotel rooms that the Gaviota Tourism Group claims to have in Cuba, only 3,470 are currently operational in the main resorts in the west and center of the Island. This figure, released Friday by the company itself, leaves out of serevice nearly nine out of every ten rooms belonging to the country’s largest hotel chain, part of the military conglomerate Gaesa.

Gaviota’s Sales Director, Elia Elena Cortés, explained during a presentation at the Paseo del Prado Hotel in Havana that these units are concentrated in Havana, Varadero, Topes de Collantes, and Cayo Santa María. According to the executive, this concentration has allowed them to “improve customer service” and “guarantee supplies” amidst the severe crisis the sector is experiencing on the island.

The explanation confirms a drastic reduction compared to the group’s historical capacity. Gaviota’s official website currently states that the company has more than 30,000 rooms distributed throughout Cuba, including facilities in Holguín, Jardines del Rey, Baracoa, and Santiago de Cuba. Taking that minimum of 30,000 rooms as a reference, the 3,470 currently operating represent a mere 11.6%.

Gaviota announces the opening, on October 23, of the Playa Luxury Varadero, an 85-room establishment reserved exclusively for adults.

The contraction is due to the fact that tourism is experiencing its worst period in decades. Between January and August 2026, only 450,353 international visitors arrived on the island , 64.4% fewer than the previous year, while seven foreign chains left the country and airlines such as Air Canada, Iberia, Air France, Turkish Airlines, and Russian carriers suspended their flights amid the fuel crisis and the drop in demand. continue reading

In that context, Gaviota announces as one of the principle novelties for the 2026-2027 season the opening, on October 23, of the Playa Luxury Varadero, an 85-room establishment reserved exclusively for adults and located in Cayo Libertad, at the end of the Hicacos peninsula.

The resort itself is not new. Constructed in 2005 as part of the Marina Palace complex, it first operated as Cayo Libertad Royal Island and later, under Barceló management, as Cayo Libertad Club Premium. After the departure of the Spanish chain, it passed into the hands of Blau, which operated it as Blau Privilege Cayo Libertad, and later became part of the Posadas era under the Fiesta Americana brand. Gaviota relaunched it in August 2025 as Playa Luxury Varadero, the same name it is now using to announce its reopening.

Its own booking platform maintains all dates for that month blocked and only offers availability from November 1st onwards.

Although the premiere is now set for October 23, its own booking platform has all dates for that month blocked and only offers availability from November 1st onwards. From that time, a room costs from $363 per night.

Gaviota also announced a special edition of the Cayotonazo event, between December 31 and January 3, and assured that it maintains private and collective transfers available between its main centers, in addition to excursions and a fleet of cars at strategic points in the country.

Frank País Oltuski Rodríguez, vice president of the group, stated that they are now studying reopening other destinations during the high season, although he acknowledged that this will depend on the situation in the country and the US sanctions. “Our clients don’t deserve to lose Cuba,” he lamented.

The decline, however, had begun long before the tightening of US sanctions. By the end of 2025, hotel guests in Varadero, Holguín, and other tourist destinations were denouncing on TripAdvisor the lack of variety of food, dilapidated facilities, cleanliness problems, closed restaurants, a shortage of drinks, and failures in basic services.

The internal economic crisis worsened with power outages and transportation problems, while Cuba lost competitiveness compared to other Caribbean destinations due to its prices, difficulties in currency exchanges, and a lack of infrastructure outside of large hotel complexes. This was compounded by the slow recovery from the pandemic, the reduction in air routes and, at the end of 2025, the impact of dengue and chikungunya epidemics on the destination’s image. New sanctions this year accelerated a decline that was already underway.

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Havana Chronicles: Havana Smells of Gasoline and Sewage

While the fuel business accelerates construction in Ayestarán, garbage, ruins, and homelessness spread throughout the city.

At the service station near the Ministry of the Armed Forces, an excavator is digging a massive hole. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, October 8, 2026 / Havana, these days, smells of gasoline and sewage, of freshly transferred fuel, and of black water running through the streets. Two smells vie for control of the city: one heralds business, the other confirms neglect.

In Ayestarán, almost nothing is being built. No buildings are going up, no new houses are appearing, and no bags of cement are seen piled up in doorways. The exception is the service station near the newspaper printing plant and the Ministry of the Armed Forces, where an excavator is removing the earth and opening a massive hole. In the hole where the new fuel tanks will be buried half the city could fit, with all its needs,.

The gasoline economy that came from the United States, moves machines and awakens greed. The classified ads already seem to have more diesel than chicken, more fuel than flour. “Tell me how many liters you need” could be the motto of these times. Everyone wants to grab the pump while sidewalks crumble, septic tanks overflow, and police stations languish without medicine or personnel.

In the hole where the new fuel tanks will be buries, half the city could fit / 14ymedio

Near Carlos III and Ayestarán, a woman approached me carrying an orange cat in her arms. The animal was incredibly gentle. She asked me for money “for food for him and me.” I gave her a couple of bills. I’ve seen people beg with children, dogs, the elderly, prescriptions, and X-rays. With a cat, never. continue reading

In Reina, the prosperity enjoyed by those who control the pumps and gas stations has not arrived. There, the air reeks of the squalor of the sewer. Next to the Aldama Palace, another ruin threatening to tumble down towards Monte Street, a woman begs for money, accompanied by a child with beautiful curls. Further on, in front of the remains of the Isla de Cuba Hotel, two men sift through a mountain of garbage. Around the overflowing containers, people trade, scavenge, and survive.

I look for some shelf brackets at the market across from the old La Sortija shop, a hardware store . Those supports used to hold up bookshelves or hang plants aren’t on any of the many stalls at the well-stocked fair. Books and nature will have to wait.

I’m returning via Reina. There are Havana streets vying for the top prize in the championship of hell. This one is doing well, although Monte is ahead by a few points.

In front of the ruins of the Isla de Cuba hotel, two men are digging through a mountain of garbage. / 14ymedio

The parks, meanwhile, have become makeshift homes. The government organizes police raids to remove those sleeping among benches and weeds, but they always return. Curita Park, the recent site of one of these operations, will once again become a haven for the homeless this Thursday, a territory for petty drug dealing, and a breeding ground for dilapidated old cars and tricycles that seem ready to tip over on every pothole.

In the portals of Carlos III, objects salvaged from the trash form a mock recycling fair: sharing space are decade-old cell phone chargers, a kitchen heating element, and a black sequined dress. Ruin and glamour. Spoils and footlights. Further on, a woman offers guavas so green and stunted that my jaw aches just looking at them.

Outside Plaza de Carlos III, a man and a woman have set up camp. He has a bandaged foot; she sleeps curled up. In a city without shelters, public drinking fountains, or places to wash clothes for free, the elements end up clinging to your skin and smelling, smelling awful.

No tricycles appear going up Ayestarán, so I continue on foot. The smell of fuel returns at times. Havana smells of gasoline, yes, but there’s another stench that no bulldozer seems willing to bury.

Diesel Imports from the U.S. Surpassed the Record Set the Previous Month

In August, vehicle exports reached $15.28 million, with motorcycles leading the way at $3.7 million.

A Cupet gas station in Yayabo, Sancti Spíritus. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, October 9, 2026 — The growth in fuel exports from the U.S. to Cuba continues unabated. In August, the value of these products rose 22.4% compared to the previous month, reaching $74.8 million. This figure once again sets a record, surpassing the $61.1 million recorded in July, which was itself 27.7% higher than June. In the first eight months of the year, the cumulative value of petroleum-derived products exported to the Island reached $231.74 million.

According to statistics published this Thursday by the U.S.-Cuba Trade and Economic Council, the product most heavily purchased by the Island in August was diesel, particularly through two significant shipments from Miami, worth $21.49 million, and Houston-Galveston, Texas, worth $12.98 million. Next in importance was a shipment of regular gasoline from Miami valued at $23.8 million.

In addition, exports of other petroleum oils and hydrocarbons are also particularly significant, especially two shipments from Houston ($6.1 million) and New Orleans ($5.5 million).

In addition, exports of other petroleum oils and hydrocarbons are also particularly significant, especially two shipments from Houston ($6.1 million) and New Orleans ($5.5 million)

As usual, the US-Cuba Trade report does not reflect the volume of exports. To determine the quantities involved, and whether they also increased or to what extent rising fuel prices contributed to the increase, it will be necessary to wait for data provided by the U.S. Energy Information Administration. Last July, that report revealed that the Island had received 3,222,000 barrels of petroleum products, almost double the amount agreed upon by Cuba and Venezuela in 2000 under the agreement signed by Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez. continue reading

Cuba’s private sector is importing this fuel, which keeps the Island afloat, with authorization from both governments: the Cuban government allows it to purchase the fuel, and the U.S. government allows its companies to sell it. The country would have collapsed completely without these shipments. On paper, the State is not allowed to touch this fuel, although this newspaper has widely reported that numerous regime vehicles are being supplied with this diesel, which is purchased from private operators through schemes that the U.S. describes as violations of the sales contracts.

Over the past week, the U.S. said it had intercepted around 90 fuel shipments to the Island that were destined for the sanctioned Cuban state-owned company Enetec. Of these, 71 were detected at the port of Fort Everglades, Florida, and 19 at the port of Houston, Texas. In total, the authorities seized 600,000 gallons of petroleum (2.27 million liters) worth $2.8 million. The destination of all the shipments arriving on the Island is unknown, since it is unlikely that the private sector has the capacity to consume it all. One plausible theory is that the State is attempting to rebuild its strategic reserves, which it had to draw upon during the first months of U.S. sanctions.

The official press, for its part, is publishing an extensive report this Friday in an attempt to demonstrate that the oil blockade and fuel shortages have brought the transportation sector to a standstill. Among the arguments is the inability to supply airports with kerosene, which has led to flight cancellations and, consequently, the collapse of tourism, on which the Government had partly pinned its hopes for an economic recovery.

In addition, the authorities claim that “passenger transportation in Havana is currently operating with just over 100 buses, when at least 3,000 are needed to provide quality service,” they state. They claim that with barely 40,000 tons of fuel allocated this year, only 65% of demand can be met. These are among the examples cited.

Alongside the fuel boom, bilateral trade between Cuba and the U.S., authorized under licenses issued by the Department of Commerce and the Department of the Treasury, continues to generate high figures in other sectors, such as vehicle sales. In August, vehicle exports—new and used, electric and gasoline-powered, trucks, motorcycles, and spare parts—reached $15.28 million, with motorcycles clearly leading the way, accounting for $3.7 million.

So far this year, the value of sales in this sector has exceeded $106 million, and it remains to be seen whether it will reach the record set in 2025, when it reached $149.4 million

So far this year, the value of sales in this sector has exceeded $106 million, and it remains to be seen whether it will reach the record set in 2025, when it reached $149.4 million, more than double the previous year’s figure. Republican complaints against Joe Biden, the first president to authorize vehicle sales to Cuba in 2022, have been forgotten, and exports are experiencing a period of extraordinary growth.

Meanwhile, sales of agricultural products and food showed a temporary recovery in August, increasing by 54.6% compared with the previous month. However, compared to August of last year, the value has fallen by 3.4%. Chicken once again tops the list in three different categories, with eggs in seventh place, and vegetable oils and cookies also remain high on the list. The tenth-place item in the top ten stands out: coffee, a product native to Cuba that is exported from the Island as a gourmet product, even as Cubans have to obtain it from the United States.

According to US-Cuba Trade projections, the cumulative total of U.S. exports to the Island across all authorized categories could exceed the $1 billion mark by the end of 2026.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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For the Cuban Regime, the US Interception of Oil Tankers Is Akin to an Act of “Piracy”

The US announced the confiscation of more than 2.2 million liters of biodiesel bound for a Cuban company sanctioned by the United States

Carlos Fernández de Cossío, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. / Prensa Latina

EFE (via 14ymedio), Havana, October 8, 2026 / The Government of Cuba on Wednesday accused the United States of “intimidating with threats” states and companies that export or transport fuel to the island, and denounced as “illegal” actions that it described as “piracy and plunder.”

This was the reaction of Cuba’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carlos Fernández de Cossío, to the announcement made today by US authorities of the confiscation of more than 600,000 gallons (2.2 million liters) of biodiesel headed for Cuba, valued at around $2.8 million.

“The import of fuel by state and private entities in Cuba from any country is legal, in accordance with national legislation and international law,” the island’s deputy foreign minister stated in a declaration published on social media.

“The import of fuel by state and private entities in Cuba from any country is legal, in accordance with national legislation and international law,” the Cuban deputy foreign minister declared

He likewise maintained that “what is illegal is intimidating sovereign states with threats of reprisals from the US government if they export fuel to Cuba, or exporting or shipping companies from any country for taking part in commercial operations of that nature.” continue reading

He also described as “illegal” the act of “harassing and intercepting in international waters ships transporting fuel to Cuba, just as piracy and plunder are illegal.”

“Possessing, storing, distributing and selling that fuel within Cuban territory is also legal, as is transporting it in international waters,” Fernández de Cossío stressed.

He further denounced that it is “illegal, immoral and criminal to subject an entire people to economic asphyxiation as collective punishment for political ends.”

Agencies of the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) announced at a press conference this Wednesday that they had confiscated ninety shipments of the fuel, 71 of them from Port Everglades, in Florida, and 19 from the Port of Houston, in Texas, which were bound for Enetec, a Cuban company sanctioned by the United States.

Department of Homeland Security agencies announced that they had confiscated ninety shipments of fuel bound for Enetec, a Cuban company sanctioned by the US

“It is a deliberate attempt to undermine US sanctions, and all of that is currently under investigation,” said José R. Figueroa, special agent in charge of the Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) office in Miami.

The seizure of the fuel comes against the backdrop of the deep energy crisis Cuba has been suffering since mid-2024, aggravated since January by the US oil siege, a measure the United Nations has described as contrary to international law.

This situation has almost completely paralyzed the economy of the island, which is dragging through its worst crisis in decades, with shortages of food, medicine and other basic resources, compounded by daily blackouts due to frequent breakdowns at its already obsolete power plants and the fuel deficit.

Added to this are Washington’s rounds of sanctions against vital sectors of the island’s economy, which also threaten companies that do business with, or have provided financial, material or technological support to, the Havana Government.

Translated by GH.

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Robbery Was the Motive in the Murder of a Cuban American by His Partner in Havana

The victim, who was bleeding heavily, managed to leave the apartment and knock at a neighbor’s home, where he told them who had attacked him

The victim had an apartment on the third floor of the Nela building, where he was murdered. . / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Havana, October 8, 2026 / George Urguelles, a Cuban American who lived in Cuba for part of the year, was murdered in the early hours of this Wednesday in his Havana home by his partner, a Cuban man who had already tried to rob him on previous occasions. Sources told 14ymedio that the deceased had filed a complaint against him, which he later withdrew at the request of the alleged killer’s parents.

The events took place in the Nela building, on Requena Street, between Carlos III and Maloja, in Plaza de la Revolución, where the victim had an apartment. Although he lived in the US, he spent periods of time on the island, in this building with his partner, who this Wednesday stabbed him, allegedly with the intention of robbing him. A theory circulating among the neighbors is that the attacker wanted to blame the murder on the widespread violence the neighborhood is suffering, since a group of thieves has been breaking into various homes in the area for days.

However, the victim, who was bleeding heavily, managed to leave the apartment and knock at a neighbor’s home, where he told them who had attacked him. Although witnesses say the ambulance arrived much faster than usual, the blood loss was so severe that he died without making it out of the building, where the police and forensic experts were working through midday. continue reading

Lists of what the attacker may have stolen have been circulating on social media. Journalist Niover Licea, who runs Nio Reportando Un Crimen [Nio Reporting a Crime], a page specializing in crime news, says that several watches, the cell phones, a gold chain, one million pesos in cash and more money allegedly kept in a safe disappeared from the premises. However, the information is not official.

Although witnesses say the ambulance arrived much faster than usual, the blood loss was so severe that he died without making it out of the building, where the police and forensic experts were working through midday

Ever since the State lost its exclusive control over information in Cuba, thanks to social media and the independent press that emerged with the rise of the internet, crime data has been revealing a country far more dangerous than had always been believed. Last year, according to a report by the Cuban Citizen Audit Observatory (OCAC), there were 152 murders on the island, compared with 167 in 2024 and 197 in 2023.

Cases of foreigners murdered on the island are infrequent, although at least two have come to light in recent years. In 2023, a French citizen of approximately 60 years of age was found dead in a privately rented apartment on the corner of Industria and Virtudes, also in Centro Habana. The man was suffocated in the early hours of the morning by two women with whom he had arrived at the house and who, as in this case, were trying to rob him. One of them was arrested a few days later at the La Coubre bus terminal, where she was attempting to flee to the east of the country, according to one of the building’s neighbors who spoke to 14ymedio.

More widely reported, because it became official, was the case of Canadian Antoinette Traboulsi, who disappeared in Varadero while spending a few days’ vacation on the island in November 2020. Her body was found by police buried a meter [about three feet] deep in the beach sand, with severe signs of violence. “At the morgue in Cuba they confirmed that it was my cousin’s body,” a relative told Canadian television.

According to a Martí Noticias report published in 2013, the number of foreigners murdered in Cuba had reached about fifty since the late 1990s.

Translated by GH

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Oil Has Been Castroism’s Hard-Currency Scam

The CubanAmerican Voice, Julio M. Shiling / On October 2, 2026, the U.S. Coast Guard announced the interdiction of the M/V Grace, a vessel caught in an international enforcement operation for illicit fuel trafficking bound for Cuba. Authorities noted its use of “dark fleet” tactics—deceptive navigation, concealed cargo, and practices designed to evade scrutiny. Fuel was found stowed unsafely in ballast tanks and containers. Months earlier, on June 28, the Coast Guard stopped the M/V Jaira Provider, a substandard offshore supply vessel registered in St. Kitts and Nevis, carrying more than 200,000 gallons of fuel toward the island. These are not random seizures. They form part of a deliberate, targeted effort to interrupt a decades-old pattern: the Cuban communist dictatorship’s systematic conversion of preferential or illicit oil into hard currency, while the Cuban people endure chronic shortages.

This is not a humanitarian blockade. It is a filter. Washington seeks to control ownership, sale, and ultimate beneficiaries of petroleum entering Cuba so that oil is consumed on the island rather than arbitraged abroad for dollars and euros. This helps sustain the regime’s repressive machinery, intelligence apparatus, and export of subversion. The alternative—unrestricted flows—has long allowed Havana to claim domestic scarcity while monetizing surplus or diverted product. The policy’s restraint is deliberate: some fuel continues to reach entities, including MIPYMES linked to the dictatorial state, precisely to avert social collapse. Total denial would risk calamity; controlled entry prevents the regime from remaining the principal oil hustler. continue reading

The practice is historical, not hypothetical. During the Soviet era, Cuba received oil under highly preferential terms through CMEA arrangements and barter deals that overvalued Cuban sugar. Domestic consumption left a surplus that was re-exported—or never even landed—into Western markets for convertible currency. Studies of the period, drawing on Banco Nacional de Cuba data, show that in 1983–1985 petroleum reexports accounted for more than 40 percent of Cuba’s hard-currency earnings, outstripping sugar. The mechanism was pure arbitrage: acquire cheap or soft-currency oil, sell the excess at world prices. Preferential resources in, hard currency out. Cargo splitting and reexport became a core revenue model.

The pattern repeated with Chavista Venezuela. Preferential or politically motivated shipments arrived; portions were diverted or structured for resale. Satellite tracking and shipping data documented the practice. In one clear case involving the M/T Skipper in December 2025, the tanker loaded Venezuelan crude, transferred a portion near Curaçao to a vessel bound for Cuba, and continued toward China with the bulk. Supertankers loading in Venezuela would make brief Caribbean stops, offload shares destined for Havana, and proceed eastward. The Cuban government could simultaneously assert fuel shortages at home while converting the differential into foreign exchange. That differential has funded state conglomerates such as GAESA, the security services, and external political operations far more reliably than sugar or tourism ever could.

Critics who attribute today’s hardships solely to the U.S. embargo, Trump Executive Orders 14380 through 14404, or related sanctions erase both chronology and agency. Cuba’s economic deterioration began in 1959 with the imposition of central planning, expropriation, and the rejection of market incentives. It deepened through successive decades of inefficiency, isolation from productive capital, and prioritization of regime survival over citizen welfare. The mass emigration since 2021—roughly 20 percent of the population, heavily weighted toward the young—reflects cumulative failure, not a sudden external shock. Blaming Washington for the consequences of Castro-Communist economics is the regime’s preferred propaganda line; it is also factually inverted. The United States is not the author of Cuba’s misery. It is responding to a durable revenue strategy that has prolonged that misery by financing the apparatus that enforces it.

The current approach recognizes reality without surrendering principle. Fuel is sold under controlled conditions, even when the recipient is regime-linked, because uncontrolled scarcity risks humanitarian disaster. Yet the same policy blocks the cargo-splitting and dark-fleet channels that turn oil into unrestricted hard currency for the elite and the security state. The interdictions of the Grace and the Jaira Provider illustrate the distinction: they target illicit, deceptive movements rather than legitimate commercial supply. Washington is not attempting to starve the island of energy; it is attempting to starve the dictatorship of an easy arbitrage racket that has subsidized repression for generations.

Oil under Cuban communism has never been primarily about powering hospitals, factories, or households. It has been a dirty business—a scam searching for funds. From Soviet reexports that once supplied over 40 percent of convertible earnings to Venezuelan cargo-splitting documented by satellite imagery, the model has been consistent: preferential inflow, selective domestic allocation, external monetization. The heist of Venezuelan oil, before January 3, witnessed anywhere from 60-80% of oil shipments being resold by communist Cuba to Asia or other friendly regime markets. The U.S. decision to police entry while still permitting measured flows is both strategically coherent and morally defensible. It denies the regime the unfettered ability to convert petroleum into the hard currency that sustains its power, without imposing the total cutoff that would collapse civilian life. Those who ignore this history and this evidence in favor of reflexive blame on the United States are not defending the Cuban people. They are, whether intentionally or not, recycling the official narrative of a dictatorship that has always preferred currency for control over fuel for its citizens.

Cuban Doctors Have Returned to Jamaica, Now With Individual Contracts

Health Minister Christopher Tufton puts the number of Cuban professionals already deployed in the field at 200.

Cuban doctors arriving in Jamaica. / The Sun

14ymedio, Madrid, October 8, 2026 – Seven months after the withdrawal of the medical brigade from Jamaica, the number of Cuban healthcare professionals on the Caribbean island has already reached 200, increasingly approaching the number that existed when Kingston broke the agreement under pressure from Washington. The specialists are arriving this time through individual contracts, a modality that more and more countries are turning to in order to retain personnel from the Island and circumvent sanctions from the White House.

“These 157 are in addition to the other 43 Cuban medical professionals who had remained in the country, bringing the total number of Cuban medical professionals in the public health service to 200,” Jamaican Health Minister Christopher Tufton said at a press conference on Wednesday.

The official spoke about his Government’s recent efforts to recruit abroad the medical personnel the country needs, as it is affected by a chronic shortage in this sector. At the end of September, a group of healthcare workers from Ghana joined the system under an agreement that calls for 400 to arrive. “We warmly welcome the Ghanaian nurses and look forward to the valuable contribution they will make to our healthcare system and to the people we serve,” Tufton said on the 28th when he received them. continue reading

The minister explained that this is only one piece of the program, called Vision for Health 2030, and that Nigerians and Cubans will join them

But on Wednesday, the minister explained that this is only one piece of the program, called Vision for Health 2030, and that Nigerians and Cubans will join them. “Over the next three years, the ministry will recruit around 300 nurses, doctors, and other healthcare professionals to work in the Jamaican public health system,” he said.

“In the case of Nigeria, the new agreement builds on the health cooperation already underway. Previously, we had welcomed four specialized nursing educators under the Nigerian Technical Aid Corps Program, who continue to contribute to specialized training and service delivery in the public health system,” he clarified before specifying the destinations of each group of specialists.

As for the Cubans, the largest group (69) has gone to the southeast region, another 28 to the west, 25 to the University Hospital of the West Indies, and 26 to the southern region. Finally, nine have been sent to the northeast area and the Ministry of Health.

Last July, Tufton had already announced the return of 50 Cuban healthcare workers who would join the group that had decided to remain in Jamaica from the outset. The Health Minister put the number of Cuban specialists in the country at 278 at the time the agreement was terminated. “Of that number, more than 40 decided not to return [to Cuba] and were given individual contracts. Now, they are working in the system,” he said in May.

The termination of the agreement with Cuba took place in March, following intense negotiations to renew an agreement that had expired some time earlier. Since the beginning of the year, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio had pressured for an end to the contracts with the Cuban regime, based on complaints that they constitute forced labor because of the conditions under which they are carried out, and above all, because around 80% of the salary is appropriated and handed over to Cuba’s Ministry of Public Health, leaving the professional with barely 20%.

Rubio met with various governments to warn them of sanctions if they did not end these agreements. Among those contacts was Jamaica’s Prime Minister Andrew Holness, who received the Secretary of State in Kingston and tried to convince him that his government was “very careful not to exploit Cuban doctors.” However, during the renegotiation of the agreements with Havana, he sought to find a satisfactory solution for both sides, urging the regime to accept individual contracts. But the idea did not succeed.

“This comes after both governments were unable to agree on the terms and conditions of a new technical cooperation agreement, following the expiration of the previous one in February 2023,” Kingston said when announcing the termination, although it left the door open for the specialists to remain in Jamaica in one way or another.

“This comes after both governments were unable to agree on the terms and conditions of a new technical cooperation agreement, following the expiration of the previous one in February 2023”

The Cuban Government accused the country of yielding to U.S. pressure to withdraw the medical mission, an attitude that has forced the termination of similar agreements with Honduras, Guatemala, Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Guyana, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.

Meanwhile, some others are resisting the pressure, such as Mexico and several Persian Gulf countries, and direct hiring is gaining ground, as in the case of the Italian region of Calabria and Uruguay, which Jamaica now joins. Precisely because of the Calabrian case, there is certainty about what many organizations had warned: once the payment is made, healthcare workers end up donating a large portion of their salary to the Cuban Government.

“We are all aware of the economic situation in Cuba. It is a contribution that we make voluntarily because Cuba trained us, educated us and made us doctors,” said a doctor assigned to Italy this July; several of her colleagues offered similar testimonies to the Associated Press.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The Border is at the Base of my Building

Díaz-Canel’s visit to the neighborhood brings police, plainclothes agents, and a stay-at-home order that disrupts even the most basic tasks.

Today someone decided I can’t go out to buy an avocado. And the avocado, suddenly, takes on an unexpected political dimension. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Havana, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, October 6, 2026 / This Tuesday my house is still my house, but the boundary of my home has shifted to the ground floor of the building.

Miguel Díaz-Canel participated in an official event nearby, and, as so often happens when a high-ranking official is in this part of Havana, the neighborhood’s appearance changes. Unfamiliar faces appear: police officers, plainclothes agents, people who have been standing in the same spot for hours doing nothing a neighbor would consider normal. Some are watching the street; others, the entrance to the stairwell.

I could describe this day as a complaint about police surveillance, but that would only tell barely half the story. The other half is more mundane and, perhaps for that reason, explains better what it means to be locked up.

To live in Cuba today requires a very close relationship with the street. You don’t do a weekly shop and store everything neatly in the pantry. You go out because bread has appeared, because someone said eggs are being sold cheaper on the corner, because you need to find medicine, recharge your phone, sort out some paperwork, ask about something that wasn’t there yesterday and might not be there tomorrow either. Daily life is a series of small excursions into the outside world. continue reading

Preventing someone from leaving their home isn’t just about taking away a few hours of freedom. It is about disrupting a domestic routine held together by a thread.

That is why preventing someone from leaving their home isn’t just taking away a few hours of their freedom. It’s altering a domestic routine held together by a thread. What in another country might be postponed until tomorrow, here can become unavailable in the blink of an eye.

There is a miniscule dimension of control that barely surfaces in grand discourses about rights, repression, or authoritarianism. It is something much simpler. Today, someone decided I can’t go out to buy an avocado.

And the avocado suddenly acquires an unexpected political dimension.

Also the detergent that needed to be sought out, the pending visit, the dog that needed a walk, the conversation that could only happen face to face. Power enters life in this way, not always with a spectacular blow, but by disrupting a shopping list, postponing hugs, and reducing the food on our plates.

If I had a doctor’s appointment, one of those that can take months to get, I’d have to choose between missing it or trying to explain to an agent of the political police that my body also has its own agenda. If today were the deadline for some paperwork, I’d sit on the balcony watching the hours pass by while an office, just a few blocks away, opens, serves customers, and finally closes.

I also couldn’t get a fan essential for sleeping during blackouts repaired, or keep an appointment with someone who might have crossed half the city to see me. I couldn’t even take out the trash at its time. In Cuba, where almost nothing can be resolved with a phone call, a click, or a home delivery, being physically present remains an indispensable requirement for surviving the bureaucracy and shortages.

All because, just a few meters away, someone important needed to pass by. To ensure the movement of one, others are immobilized. The government motorcade moves along an unobstructed street; but behind some doors, life is on hold.

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The Dollars That Do Not Appear Upon Returning From a Medical Mission in Angola

A healthcare worker who returned in June says she has been unable to collect her savings in cash, while colleagues who remain in Luanda are suffering from payment delays.

Daniel hopes that pressure from Washington over medical cooperation agreements will reach Angola and push its authorities toward direct contracts with healthcare workers. / Prensa Latina

14ymedio, Natalia López Moya, Havana, October 8, 2026 – When Laura landed in Cuba in June, after three years on a medical mission in Angola, she brought with her a mixture of relief and exhaustion. She had left behind years of work, payment delays, and the hope that, at least upon returning, she would be able to access the money accumulated during her stay in the African country. Months later, she sums up the result with a blunt sentence: “I have not managed to receive a single cent.”

Her case gives a face to a complaint that has long circulated among Cuban brigades in Angola. Contracts managed by the Corporación Antillana Exportadora (Antex), which is linked to the Cuban military, establish that a large portion of the collaborators’ income is deposited in Cuba and provide for payment in dollars, subject to banking availability. In 2025, discontent led to tense meetings in Luanda, where several healthcare workers even threatened to sue the company because they were unable to withdraw their savings in foreign currency on the Island.

Laura, whose name has been changed to avoid reprisals, has gone “more than four times” to branches of the Banco Popular de Ahorro in the city of Sancti Spíritus, where she lives. She has submitted a request to withdraw dollars in cash but is still waiting. For now, she explains, she can only access MLC (Moneda Libremente Convertible, for electronic use only) and the balance on a Clásica card, in dollars, which can also be used to buy gasoline and even transfer funds from one to the other. The problem arises when she tries to turn those virtual numbers into real money. continue reading

With MLC stores out of stock, the alternative ends up where so many economic transactions by Cubans do: in the informal market

With MLC stores out of stock, the alternative ends up where so many economic transactions by Cubans do: in the informal market. “Sell the balance on the Clásica to get cash in pesos and then buy the dollars,” she explains. Each step involves a loss on the money she believed she was saving during three years.

The return was not the end of the logistical problems either. Laura says that on her flight and on one or two subsequent returns, Antex stopped guaranteeing transportation from Havana to the provinces. “They make you sign a paper saying that you agree to arrange transportation to your province; otherwise, you stay in Angola,” she says. She knows colleagues who have been in the African country for more than 20 months, waiting for there to be space on a flight to return.

Nor did the goods purchased during the mission arrive with her. The shipment must be arranged independently, and her belongings remain in Angola. Since the direct TAAG flight in June, she says, there has been no other direct connection to bring them back.

The Cuba she found after three years away does not resemble the one she left either. “As a bus driver would say, we are moving backward,” she jokes. Then she lists: “Misery, shortages, abandonment, mistreatment, crime, incompetence.” She returned to her former position in Public Health but did not last long. “I left it because my 5,000-peso salary is not enough for anything. You can earn more even selling candy.”

Her assessment of Angola is equally bitter. During the three years she was there, “there wasn’t even one” period when she received the 200 dollars a month she was supposed to receive for her expenses in the African country. Most of the time she received 100 dollars, and on two occasions she went two months without being paid. Complaints previously collected by 14ymedio also described systematic delays, problems with vacations, and professionals forced to extend their stays.

From Luanda, Daniel, a Cuban doctor currently working at the Hospital Materno Infantil do Camama Dr. Manuel Pedro Azancot de Menezes, confirms that little appears to have changed. “Delays have been the order of the day with the payment they are supposed to give us every month,” he says. “We thought that with everything that has happened with Cuban medical missions in other countries they were going to treat us better, but everything remains the same.”

Daniel hopes that pressure from Washington over medical cooperation agreements will reach Angola and push its authorities toward direct contracts with healthcare workers. He looks to Calabria as a reference, although the Italian model has not eliminated the transfer of part of the salary to the regime either: doctors interviewed there acknowledged that they hand over up to half of what they receive to the State.

Laura, by contrast, no longer expects reforms. When asked what she thinks of Antex, she answers bluntly: “The worst, they’re only there to collect money from you.” And when asked whether she would recommend a mission in Angola to a colleague, her answer is even more emphatic: “Not even to my worst enemy.” She does not wish on anyone, she says, “either the ordeal of living there without any response to anything or the bureaucracy and mistreatment from the moment you arrive at the airport until now.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Canary Islands Government Says It Cannot Send “Even One Container of Food” to Cuba

The Deputy Minister for External Action regrets that contact with the Casa Canaria has been lost due to a “lack of generational renewal”

A group of descendants of Canary Islanders play dominoes at the ‘Leonor Pérez’ Canarian Association of Cuba in Old Havana. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, October 7, 2026 / Approximately 70,000 Canary Islanders currently live in Cuba and are a matter of the utmost concern for politicians in the Parliament of the Canary Islands, which this Wednesday addressed their situation in the Committee on European Affairs and External Action. According to the deputy minister for this area, their situation is “very complicated” and the regional government is having great difficulty acquiring aid and sending it.

“At this time we cannot send even one container of food, as we were able to in recent months, or of medicines, because there is a total blockade and we have nowhere we can buy them, or any way to get them to Havana and from there to other places,” said José Luis Perestelo, of Coalición Canaria, the conservative nationalist party that governs the region together with the PP [People’s Party] and another regional party.

The deputy minister was responding to a question put by his party colleague, José Manuel Bermúdez, aimed at following up on the efforts the government is making to bring relief to the thousands of Canary Islanders who live on the island.

The citizens “are not to blame for the political regime they live under, they are not to blame for the situation they are in, they are not even to blame for geopolitics”

“The Cuban people, unfortunately, have been surviving in very difficult conditions for a long time, but it seems that the seriousness of this precarious situation has now increased, and we cannot forget that behind the hardships there are elderly people, there are children, there are families with few resources, and sick people who need to continue their treatments,” he stated. continue reading

Bermúdez indicated that the citizens “are not to blame for the political regime they live under, they are not to blame for the situation they are in, they are not even to blame for geopolitics, for blockades, for all these matters that play out in a sphere where there is surely no shortage of the necessary resources, but which very seriously affect the people and the families who live every day and who survive every day.”

Perestelo confirmed that small amounts of up to 200 euros are being sent through a Cuban bank to the most vulnerable members of the population. This contribution complements other aid from the Spanish State, which is managed by the Spanish Embassy and the Consulate, he added.

The deputy minister explained that over the past two years the Canary Islands government has allocated 1.2 million euros to cooperation funds in the country, which has made it possible to ship containers of food or medicines that have been distributed among the population “without discriminatory criteria” but with the certainty that they benefit the Canarian community.

In this regard, Perestelo regretted the loss of contact with the Canarian associations that worked on the ground, although he thanked the Director General for External Action, Miossoty de la Caridad, for her efforts to coordinate with the island, identify the population most in need, and contact businesses – both those present in the port, he specified, and mipymes [small and medium-sized private enterprises] that might be able to help.

However, the lack of generational renewal is complicating matters, he argued, in explicit reference to the Casa Canaria Leonor Pérez Cabrera. “Once those directors who drove it forward are no longer there, they gradually disappear, those ties have been lost, and it is increasingly complicated, despite the efforts made by the Emigration department, to send them some resources,” he said, which has resulted in the “loss” of the medical clinic, the day center, the activities for the elderly, and the Renacer support group.

In 2023, sources at the Casa Canaria in Havana told ’14ymedio’ that the Cuban government had taken control of the organization

In 2023, sources at the Casa Canaria in Havana told 14ymedio that the Cuban government had taken control of the organization. The origin of those events had been the death in 2018 of Carmelo González, president of the association since its founding and leader of the Cuban community since his arrival in Havana in 1959. He was succeeded in the post by his former right-hand man, Lázaro Rivero, who was in turn vice president of Cuba’s National Bank and its Bank for Agricultural and Industrial Development.

Accusations of corruption and poor justification of expenses were circulating at the time, when Fernando Rojas, then deputy minister and minister of Culture – and also a descendant of Canary Islanders – took charge, initially on a transitional basis – with a management committee – until elections could determine the new board. However, no other presidency has ever come to light, which is consistent with Perestelo’s assertion about the lack of generational renewal.

Translated by GH.
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