Silvio Rodríguez Laments the Lack of Change in Cuba: “Our Model No Longer Worked”

  • The artist considers it “normal” that there are Cubans in favor of a US intervention, “given the increasing degree of hardship experienced by the majority of the population.”
  • Furthermore, he praises China and Vietnam for their level of development: “I don’t think that multiparty systems, a priori, are a guarantee of justice.”
Silvi Rodríguez has spoken again about the symbolic AKM he received from the Army. / Facebook / Minfar Cuba

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, June 8, 2026 / Silvio Rodríguez hasn’t changed his stance in defense of the Revolution, but he once again offered several memorable quotes in his most recent interview. Perhaps the most striking, probably, the brief but incisive declaration of comprehension for those in Cuba who currently favor a US intervention. “I consider it normal, given the increasing hardships faced by the majority of our population,” he responded in his conversation with elDiario.es, published this Monday. The singer-songwriter answered the question of how he interprets the “perceived sympathies in the streets toward a hypothetical US intervention.”

Other criticisms of the Cuban government by the singer-songwriter are less surprising. For years he has opposed the repression following the all-Island protests of 11 July 2021, and has reiterated this stance on several occasions, so it is not surprising that, when asked what to expect if a similar outbreak occurs this summer, with the combination of heat and exacerbated power outages, he insists once again: “I believe in the right to free expression and assembly. I said then, and I repeat now, that law enforcement must protect demonstrations to prevent negative incidents,” he emphasizes. However, he makes it clear that some cannot “take advantage of the demonstrations for acts of vandalism and violence.”

In the interview, Rodríguez reviews the effects of the oil blockade, which has worsened the situation, though he performs a delicate balancing act to reconcile his understanding of the people’s weariness with his faith in their resilience. “I understand that for a visitor it must be difficult to imagine more endurance, seeing the situation we are living through. But anyone who has lived in this country for almost 80 years knows the resilience of this people. With this, I don’t mean to say that there isn’t exhaustion. Tiredness is human,” he admits.

“I believe in the right to free expression and assembly. I said then, and I repeat now, that law enforcement must protect demonstrations to prevent negative incidents.”

The troubadour believes this is the most serious moment in the history of the Revolution – “In Cuba, as far as I can remember, classes have never been suspended nor has the school year been disrupted,” although he omits the precedent of the pandemic – and speaks of the problems with garbage collection and the diseases this causes. In his opinion, the main culprit is the United States, and he doesn’t miss an opportunity to point this out, although he acknowledges his astonishment that no one in the Cuban government has changed anything, as – he emphasizes – Fidel Castro indicated.

“Fidel said that our model no longer worked for us, not even for us. He also said that the Revolution meant changing everything that needed to be changed. What I can’t understand is that decades have passed since those continue reading

statements and more effective measures haven’t been taken. I think that if a more realistic economic model had been adopted, what’s happening today wouldn’t be possible, or at least not in such a dramatic way,” he points out.

He does believe, however, that the excessive spending on tourism was a consequence of the thaw in relations with the US. “I think the construction of hotels was due to plans that emerged after contact with President Obama. I suppose that from that perspective, expenses were incurred that later made no sense to stop,” he argues.

Rodríguez believes that the situations in Cuba and Venezuela are very different and that the island lacks resources that would make it attractive to the US, beyond its climate and beaches. “I believe the only number one ranking we have worldwide is in harassment, aggression, and smear campaigns by the corporate press,” he argues.

In the conversation, he again mentions his now-famous AKM rifle and doesn’t rule out a US attack, but he is adamant in his conviction that the population will resist, even if it clashes with the understanding of the weariness of another part of the country. “I think it’s possible. And I’m sure that a good part of the Cuban people would fight to the bitter end. Of course, I wish, hope, and almost pray that this doesn’t happen,” he adds, and reaffirms: “I’m sure that in Cuba, an attack like the one they carried out in Venezuela wouldn’t have the same results.”

I believe it’s possible. And I’m sure that a large part of the Cuban people would fight to the bitter end. Of course, I wish, hope, and almost pray that this doesn’t happen.

Silvio Rodríguez, who will be touring Spain in September, with eight concerts, declines the interviewer’s opportunity to lament the lack of solidarity from other countries, which he attributes more to a fear of the three major powers vying for global dominance. “I think the old tactic of nuclear blackmail is playing a significant role in this situation,” he says.

In his view, China—one of those powers—is the only country in the world that “has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in just a few decades,” as has Vietnam, “after a devastating war.” Both countries have implemented economic liberalization measures that Cuba has not undertaken, even though they have one-party systems, two facts that Rodríguez highlights and that give an idea of ​​the direction he would like the transition on the island to take. “Seeing the world as it is and the injustices that some commit, I don’t think that multiparty systems, a priori, are a guarantee of justice.”

The interview ends when he’s asked what he thinks will happen. “I’m no fortune teller. I don’t know the details of how decisions are made in the upper echelons. I only see the results,” says the troubadour, whose words don’t sound hopeful. “I’m worried that we’ll emerge from this situation more selfish than altruistic. That all this won’t make us better, but the opposite. I’m worried about the humanity we’re being stripped of with such cruelty,” he concludes.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Havana Chronicles: A Circus Facing Off Against Power, and a City Growing Increasingly Lonely

While a tent is set up next to Revolution Square, blackouts and urban decay deepen the isolation of Cubans.

The circus tent set up a few meters from the Council of State, with the tower of Revolution Square in the background. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, June 14, 2026 / They’ve set up a circus in my neighborhood. A blue tent now stands just a few meters from the Council of State, and the tower of the Plaza de la Revolución blends into the horizon with the yellow stripes that crown its roo. Children wander around curiously, and the neighbors haven’t missed the opportunity to joke about the clowns and illusionists who always proliferate in the area. “If they’re the trainers, then we’re the animals,” an old woman warns me as soon as I approach the plaza where the hammering of preparations still echoed this Saturday.

I came here via Hidalgo Street. Earlier, I passed the bakery at the rationed market, with its endless line of people carrying empty bags. I had to dodge the stream of sewage that gushes from a drain and snakes for over a hundred meters. Garbage also stretches for entire blocks in what was once an area dominated by vegetation and tall buildings. Not anymore. Nuevo Vedado is, at this moment, like much of Havana, a succession of mountains of trash, broken streets, and weary faces.

“They didn’t cut off our power all night,” another neighbor tells me, relieved. He says it in a low voice, almost a whisper, as if afraid of alerting the electric company that our building had finally been able to sleep through the night for the first time in weeks. You almost feel guilty for having so many hours of electricity. When I woke up shortly after four in the morning and looked out onto the roof, I saw several buildings near Colón Street plunged into darkness. “Those are the victims of our left-on lights,” I thought to myself.

In my building, fewer and fewer people are using the elevator. The fear of being trapped in the middle of a power outage discourages anyone from entering that metal box, which transforms into a sauna as soon as the electricity goes out. Some neighbors spend entire days without leaving their homes because knee pain and other ailments prevent them from going up and down the stairs. The energy crisis has a less visible face: immobility and social isolation. Thousands, hundreds of thousands of Cubans across the island have lost contact with friends, acquaintances, and even family members because getting around has become too difficult.

A friend who lives in Central Havana tells me that an elderly man in her building died of “loneliness.” She says it just like that, abruptly, as if desolation had already crept into the Cuban medical lexicon as an official cause of death. continue reading

A friend who lives in Central Havana tells me that an elderly man in her building died of “loneliness” 

“He stopped going out,” she explains. “Before, he would go to the bank to queue for his pension, but his legs were so sore, and he couldn’t stand for hours.” Then they suspended a social gathering where he met with other retirees to listen to boleros or dance danzón. The lack of electricity has canceled shows, social gatherings, and get-togethers. It has also silenced many conversations.

Finally, “he would just stand at the window watching the people walking down the street. He could go weeks without speaking to anyone.” The day they found him dead, it was the neighbors themselves who had to pay for the cremation.

“I kept the urn containing the ashes to see if my only son ever comes to Cuba, but for now we don’t even know how to find him.”

Abandonment and lack of communication kill, without a doubt.

“I’ve kept the urn containing the ashes to see if his only son ever comes to Cuba, but for now we don’t even know how to find him.”

After exploring the area around the circus, I head towards La Timba. I walk through several of its potholed streets and past its low houses, so different from the twelve-story buildings I’ve left behind. I pass by the National Theater. Everything is silent and empty. There was a time when it was rare for a weekend to go by without one of its halls being filled with children who had come to see a show. Now, only the echo of silence remains.

A woman asks me for the time just as I start to go down the main staircase of the complex.

We chatted for a few minutes about the weather, the power outages, and how bad the transportation system is. She blurts out sentences quickly, one after another, almost without pausing for breath. It seems like she’s been holding them in for too long.

“Oh, mija, it’s just that I have no one to talk to anymore,” she apologizes.

And I think then that this may be one of the most devastating consequences of the Cuban crisis: the epidemic of loneliness that is spreading everywhere.

Note: The above photo is a video in the original, but it failed an attempt to be copied and inserted in this post. It can be viewed (without translation) here.

Previous Havana Chronicles:

Chronicle of a Monday That Feels Like Wednesday

“We Used to Complain About the ‘CUC’, But Now We Miss It”

The Roar of Despair of a Cuban Woman Returning to Her Country After Many Years

The Tulipán Market Closed: “They’ve Given the Order To Go to the March for Raúl”

Along Carlos III Street and towards Ethiopia

Sleeping Is Also a Privilege in Havana

A Desperate Plea in the Middle of the Dark Havana Night: ‘Light!’

The Refuse of Disenchantment

Under a Picture-Postcard Blue Sky, the Country is Crumbling

Fatigue Barely Allows One to Enjoy the ‘Lights On’ in Havana

Dollars, the Classic Card, and a Havana Without Tourists

A Journey Through the Lost Names of Havana

The Shipwreck of a Ship Called “Cuba”

Havana Seen From ‘The Control Tower’

In Havana, the Only Ones Who Move Are the Mosquitoes

Reina, the Stately Street Where Garbage is Sold

Searching for Light Through the Deserted Streets of Havana

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

“A Transition Without Negotiation With the Military Would Be Very Difficult in Cuba”

Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint warn that democratisation will require dismantling Gaesa’s economic power

“Members of the FAR [Revolutionary Armed Forces] do not enjoy as many privileges as those who are connected to FAR companies.”
14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yunior García Aguilera, Madrid, 14 June 2026 / Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint have spent years studying one of the most sensitive issues in any democratic transition: the role of the Armed Forces when an authoritarian regime falls, exhausts itself or transforms. Both Argentine academics – Tedesco is a professor at Saint Louis University in Madrid, and Diamint is a member of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research in Argentina (Conicet) and a professor at the Torcuato Di Tella University – have researched civil-military relations in Latin America, the limits of military power, the democratic management of defence, and the risks that arise when uniformed personnel retain political, economic or corporate privileges after a change of regime.

Together they have analysed the Cuban case from a perspective rarely seen in public debate: not just what would happen to the Communist Party or to the opposition in a transition, but what role the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), the Ministry of the Interior and the business network formed by the powerful military conglomerate Gaesa – which controls the majority of the national economy – would play.

14ymedio submitted the questionnaire to both experts in writing; they agreed on their answers and replied jointly, except on one question, where they offered their opinions separately.

“Resistance to change does not come so much from the FAR as from other political and economic structures”

García Aguilera. Can there be a real democratic transition in Cuba without explicit negotiation with the military?

Tedesco and Diamint. There can be, although it is very difficult, and the military who enjoy privileges and benefits do not want to lose them. A transition without negotiation will weaken the new government. The first government must be clear that it will have to make concessions in order to achieve governability.

García Aguilera. After studying Latin American transitions and the Cuban case, do you believe the FAR can be part of the democratic solution, or are they, given their current structure, the main obstacle to any real change?

Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint. They are not the main obstacle, but there is no visible leadership at this moment pointing towards a democratisation of the FAR. It is possible that the FAR will initially defend the new regime and, when existing conditions are no longer favourable, will find ways to adapt, just as happened continue reading

in other countries in Latin America.

García Aguilera. In a transition, how can one avoid the risks of a military coup, clandestine resistance from the repressive apparatus, a split between factions, or pockets of internal rebellion?

Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint. Resistance to change does not come so much from the FAR as from other political and economic structures. Just as happened in the countries of the former Soviet Union, they adapted to change, and Cuba has forces accustomed to the party’s command – they have no tradition of staging coups.

In the Cuban case, what is uncertain is how those military personnel connected to the economy through Gaesa will react. Members of the FAR do not enjoy as many privileges as those who are connected to FAR companies.

“Truth, justice and reparation are necessary processes for a democratic transition”

García Aguilera. How can one prevent military commanders from converting their economic power into political impunity during a transition?

Diamint. The military are soldiers of the economic owners. They are not the ones who give the orders, but the economic reforms will be the easiest to implement and the ones that will face the least resistance.

Tedesco. I do not agree with this one hundred per cent. I believe that military hierarchs will negotiate their economic and political role. The military hierarchs connected to companies have a great deal to lose.

García Aguilera. What combination of truth, justice and reparation would be viable to address the victims without falling into the extremes of amnesia or vengeance?

Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint. Without transitional justice there will be no change, but today there are no leaders visible with sufficient legitimacy to convince society of the futility of revenge.

Truth, justice and reparation are necessary processes for a democratic transition. It must be borne in mind that the dictatorship has been in government for decades. Will it be possible to return the properties confiscated in the 1960s? Probably not. Perhaps only those that have been converted into schools or other public institutions. Those properties that are in private hands should not be expropriated.

García Aguilera. Do you believe that a Ministry of Defence led by civilians should be created from the outset?

Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint. Yes, with clear mandates defining what will and will not be accepted. And what role the FAR will have in a democracy. With a new name that separates them from the failure of the Revolution.

“We believe that leaders and society do not understand the military problem and the power they represent”

García Aguilera. Costa Rica abolished its army and Panama eliminated its military forces after the fall of Noriega. Are these useful models for Cuba, or historical exceptions that are difficult to replicate? Could part of the FAR structures be transformed into civil protection corps, coastguards, firefighters, forest rangers, natural disaster response units or infrastructure reconstruction teams? Once Castroism is over, would Cuba need an army?

Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint. In a country so militarised it is difficult to contemplate eliminating them. All armed forces have secondary or subsidiary missions, but these cannot be their primary purpose. Furthermore, Costa Rica had an elite agreement to eliminate the military, and Noriega held a genuine military rank, unlike Raul Castro. Those experiences cannot be transplanted to Cuba – the times, the conditions and the hegemony of the United States are all different.

García Aguilera. What should the democratic opposition, civil society and the exile community be doing right now to prepare for the military problem?

Laura Tedesco and Rut Diamint. We believe that leaders and society do not understand the military problem and the power they represent. The wave of remilitarisation sweeping our region is closely linked to that ignorance among politicians of what the military is and how to use it.

The FAR will not vacate their privileged position of their own accord. A leader with broad legitimacy and well-advised must, in his or her first days in government, send a clear message and execute the necessary measures to begin the path towards civilian control of the Armed Forces.

In the case of the FAR, there must be civilian control of the military and the elimination of the economic role they exercise through Gaesa. The negotiation will be complicated and the FAR will put up every obstacle necessary to maintain their privileged position.

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This text was produced in collaboration with Cuba Siglo 21 as part of the project “Cuba: stabilise and develop”.

Translated by GH.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

“Fishing is Saving Us From Hunger”

For lack of fuel, Matanzas cannot celebrate the traditional red snapper run this year

Theo is an octogenarian who has left the boats behind to take up sport fishing from the wall of the San Juan River. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Pablo Padilla Cruz, Matanzas, 14 June 2026 / Like two liquid daggers, the San Juan and Yumurí rivers cut through the geography of Matanzas. Before dawn, human silhouettes are already etched against the riverbanks. They carry nylon line, bait bags, cast nets and sport fishing rods. The people of Matanzas have the relationship with water and fish in their blood, but today that bond does not answer to the pleasure of a pastime, but to a far more relentless force: the urgency of putting food on the table in a city where the engines of the fishing fleet have fallen silent.

The fuel crisis and general shortage of supplies have completely transformed the map of local fishing. What was once a thriving deep-sea industry is today a silent resistance waged along the river’s edge.

From a footbridge that divides the Yumurí River in two, Joel prepares his tackle with his gaze fixed on the current. He is one of that tide of citizens who have had to look to the water for the sustenance that the markets cannot provide. His tone carries a heavy urgency, that of a man who knows his day’s work decides what his family will eat.

A fish today in Cuba can make the difference between eating something or going to sleep with an empty stomach.

“My friend, fishing is saving us,” says Joel without taking his eyes off the water. “My family has lived close to the river for generations and it has saved us from hunger more than once. A fish today in Cuba can make the difference between eating something and going to bed with an empty stomach. Many of us fish out of tradition or because we enjoy it, but lately people also fish for what they can put on the table.”

From a pedestrian bridge that bisects the Yumurí River, Joel prepares his fishing gear, his gaze fixed on the current. / 14ymedio

As he casts his line, Joel confesses his frustration, gazing at the horizon, a place that seems forbidden to ordinary Cubans today: “I’ve always wanted to own a boat and fish in the open sea, but the way things are, many boat owners are like me, fishing from the shore. The rise in oil prices has hit them so hard that some haven’t been able to go out to sea for almost a year. How do you make a living when what you staked everything on as your way of life continue reading

ends?”

The dilemma Joel raises cuts to the heart of Matanzas’s fishing sector. Historically, June marked the beginning of the red snapper run. The fish would enter the bay and the water would become a dense mass of launches, boats and artisanal craft competing for the largest specimens, destined for sale or family consumption.

However, going after the red snapper is today a mathematical gamble in which the fishermen are set up to lose. This method requires keeping the engine running at low revs (usually between 4 and 7 knots) for hours, interspersed with short bursts at full throttle to reach the “ledge” or the reef edge and return before the weather turns.

A typical outing requires between 6 and 8 hours of navigation, with fuel consumption varying between 30 and 60 litres. Add to this the strict rule of thirds – one third of fuel to reach the spot, one third for the work and the final third to guarantee the return – and the actual fishing time is extremely short. Casting the nets badly or hitting a run of bad luck means not just coming back empty-handed, but facing ruin.

The river has become the region’s last social safety net / 14ymedio

On the docks of the San Juan River, Antuan, the captain of a boat he does not own, assesses the situation with the cold pragmatism and irony of someone who knows the operating costs of the sea inside out.

“The idea that fishing makes us rich might have worked before,” Antuan says with a bitter smile. “Now, without fuel, owning a boat is a matter of wanting it but not being able to. Some of us save fuel for the snapper run, but a bad catch can wipe out all our savings. Others couldn’t even afford to save a couple of liters. That’s why there’s a saying that’s popular among us: when you buy a boat, you’ll be happy three times: the first time when you buy it, the second time when you go fishing for the first time, and the third time when you sell it and pass the problem on to someone else.”

The paralysis of the fleet does not only affect the sailors: it also empties the tables of the city. The fish that remain in the sea are food that never reaches the homes of the people of Matanzas. Against this backdrop, the river has become the region’s last social safety net.

The fleet’s paralysis doesn’t just affect sailors: it also empties the city’s tables.

Theobulo, whom everyone in the neighbourhood affectionately calls Theo, is an octogenarian who has left the boats behind to take up sport fishing from the wall. With the perspective gained from decades walking the same quays, Theo offers a historical and melancholy view of the deterioration of river life.

Theo fishing in the San Juan River, in Matanzas. / 14ymedio

“Son, I grew up right here beside the river and I know more than half the owners of these boats,” relates Theo as he adjusts his rod. “Now, compared to a couple of decades ago, everything is harder. There’s no oil to go out fishing and there’s more hunger in the streets too. Those fish that don’t get caught no longer feed anyone in the city. Now many people, in the afternoon, take their lines and cast them trying to hook some little fish.”

Necessity has forced the people of Matanzas to break taboos and look for any alternative in the water – dynamics that the official narrative prefers to gloss over. “There’s even a woman who catches crabs and sells them,” the old man continues. “I think the newspaper Girón interviewed her a while back, but they never mentioned her need to sell what she takes from the river to get by.”

“There’s no fuel to go out fishing and there’s more hunger in the streets”

When asked whether he misses the adrenaline of sailing out to sea, Theo stares at the calm waters of the river, aware of his own good fortune but sceptical about the future: “My time at sea has passed. Now I fish on the shore for the odd little fish, for the fun of it. Luckily, I don’t need the river to eat… for now. Who knows about tomorrow,” he concludes at the very moment a small fish takes his hook and is pulled from the water.

The fishing landscape of Matanzas has been laid bare. While the red snapper complete their natural cycle in the bay, free from the pressure of the engines, the population crowds onto the bridges and riverbanks, trying to catch their daily sustenance by hand. The city’s fishing, stripped of its fuel, survives today on nylon line, patience and the bare necessity of keeping alive.

Translated by GH.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Silvano Pedroso, the First Black Bishop of the Church in Cuba, Has Died

The 73-year-old prelate of Guantánamo-Baracoa was remembered as a humble pastor who was close to the most vulnerable Cubans.

Pedroso had returned to Cuba on June 3 from Rome, where he had spent several months and undergone various medical tests. / Vida Nueva

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 13 June 2026 / Monsignor Silvano Herminio Pedroso Montalvo, Bishop of Guantánamo-Baracoa and first Black prelate of the Cuban Catholic Church, died in the early hours of this Saturday in Havana, at the age of 73, after several weeks in a critical condition due to an oncological illness.

The Cuban Catholic Bishops’ Conference confirmed the death of the cleric and announced that his funeral would take place this same Saturday at the parish of Santa Catalina de Siena, located on the corner of 25th Street and Paseo, in the Havana neighbourhood of El Vedado. After the ceremony, the funeral cortège will make its way to the Colón Cemetery, where his remains will be interred.

Pedroso had returned to Cuba on 3 June, having come from Rome, where he spent several months undergoing various medical tests. During his stay in the Italian capital he received treatment at the Agostino Gemelli hospital and at the infirmary of the Society of Jesus.

The Cuban Church had initially announced, in February, that the bishop was suffering from severe gastritis, but subsequent examinations revealed the existence of an oncological illness. Last Thursday, two days before his death, the Episcopate communicated that his state of health was “very critical” and continue reading

asked for prayers for his recovery.

Born in Cárdenas, Matanzas, on 25 April 1953, Pedroso came to the priesthood after an unusual path among members of the Cuban clergy. He studied Geography at the University of Havana and worked from 1979 to 1982 at the Institute of Physical Planning in Las Tunas.

Pope Francis appointed him Bishop of Guantánamo-Baracoa on 29 March 2018

He did not enter the San Carlos and San Ambrosio Major Seminary until 1987, when he was 34 years old. He was ordained a priest on 12 June 1995 by Cardinal Jaime Ortega Alamino at Havana Cathedral. From that point on he carried out his pastoral work in various communities in Havana and Mayabeque. He served as parish priest in Quivicán, Bejucal, Melena del Sur, and Güines, as well as being responsible for vocational ministry and director of the San Juan María Vianney Priests’ House. From 2013 he had been in charge of the parish of Nuestra Señora del Pilar, in the Havana municipality of Cerro.

His parishioners describe him as a priest of direct contact, accustomed to walking through neighbourhoods and entering the homes of families. Following his episcopal appointment, he was described as a “street priest” – an expression that summed up his way of understanding ministry and his preference for a Church close to ordinary people.

Pope Francis appointed him Bishop of Guantánamo-Baracoa on 29 March 2018. His episcopal ordination took place on 27 May of that year at Havana Cathedral, and he took possession of the diocese on 9 June, during a ceremony held at the Cathedral of Santa Catalina de Ricci in Guantánamo.

His mission unfolded in one of the poorest and most isolated provinces of Cuba, with scattered rural settlements, transport difficulties, and a shortage of priests

He thus became the third holder of a diocese created in 1998 by John Paul II and the first Black bishop in the history of the Catholic Church in Cuba, a country where the ecclesiastical hierarchy has traditionally had a racial makeup that has reflected little of the composition of society.

On receiving the appointment, Pedroso stated that he wished to be close to the most needy communities, and chose as his episcopal motto a phrase from the Gospel of Saint John: “Love one another as I have loved you.” His mission unfolded in one of the poorest and most isolated provinces of Cuba, with scattered rural settlements, transport difficulties, a shortage of priests, and communities that suffer in an especially severe way from the deterioration of public services, the lack of food, and the energy crisis.

During his eight years at the head of the diocese, he maintained a discreet profile, removed from public confrontations with the authorities, but focused on pastoral and social care. His figure gained prominence through his support of vulnerable families and his visits to remote communities in the Guantánamo territory.

The United States Embassy in Havana expressed its condolences this Saturday to the Catholic Church and to those mourning his death. In its message, the diplomatic mission stated that Pedroso had dedicated his life “to the service of God and of ordinary Cubans.”

With his death, the diocese of Guantánamo-Baracoa, situated at the eastern tip of the country, falls vacant

“A humble and approachable pastor, he distinguished himself by accompanying those who suffered most and by walking alongside his communities in times of difficulty,” said the Embassy, which also highlighted his “deep love for Cuba” and his dedication to ensuring that citizens could live “with dignity and hope.”

Pedroso’s final journey to Rome was connected to the ad limina visit of the Cuban bishops, although the collective meeting had to be postponed due to the severe fuel shortage affecting the Island. The prelate nonetheless managed to meet with Pope Leo XIV on 20 February. The Holy See did not reveal the details of that conversation. By then, his health had begun to deteriorate and he had to remain in Italy to receive medical care.

With his death, the diocese of Guantánamo-Baracoa, situated at the eastern tip of the country, falls vacant. The Church will need to provisionally appoint a diocesan administrator until the Pope designates his successor.

“I have fought the good fight, I have finished the race, I have kept the faith,” wrote the US Embassy in its farewell to the bishop, quoting the Second Letter of Saint Paul to Timothy.

Translated by GH.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Díaz-Canel Creates False Expectations About Economic Reforms in Cuba

Only in tourism is there a possibility of change, still undefined, with “new approaches and new players” to exploit existing infrastructure.

Díaz-Canel speaks to the press about the approved changes. / cubadebate

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, June 12 2026 / Cuba’s official press managed to create expectations for a few minutes by announcing that Miguel Díaz-Canel would make public this Friday a package of economic reforms that would include “new actors in tourism,” among other changes listed by the Cuban Television journalist Lázaro Manuel Alonso.

Among the alleged new features were “direct import and export, elimination of prohibited activities, reduction of the state apparatus, removal of obstacles to the development of companies, use of land by those who can truly produce, entry of new actors into the management and production of energy, and the encouragement of electric mobility.”

“Without first resolving a moderately functional framework for international integration, nothing else could be effective.”

“Belated pragmatism with no apparent clear connections between the measures. Without first resolving a moderately functional framework for international integration, nothing else could be effective. We’ll see the details,” said Cuban economist Pedro Monreal in a swift reaction. He was not mistaken.

At least three of the changes mentioned were already known and had little or no impact on social demands. One is the reduction of the size of the state, which was announced in May and finalized with the bill published this week. The number of ministries is reduced from 27 to 20, and a new Ministry of Information and Social Communication is created, which promises to be another instrument of ideological control.

On the same day, the draft Law on Agricultural and Forestry Lands was released, which establishes state ownership of most lands, with the exception of 20% that already belong to cooperatives and private individuals. The law opens the door for foreign companies to lease land for production, explicitly prohibits the sale of land to non-Cubans, and imposes restrictions on the freedom of continue reading

agricultural producers, who will be penalized if they leave land idle.

Everything announced is part of the so-called Economic and Social Program for 2026

Nor is the legislation reforming exports new. It was published in April through two decrees that foreshadowed the eventual loss of Acopio’s monopoly, thanks to the entry of private companies, although the state-owned company will continue to have an advantage due to its infrastructure and its political and business clout. These provisions also opened up direct sales, but the State reserved the most profitable sectors for itself.

After so much media fanfare, the announcement amounted to nothing when Cubadebate published the president’s remarks from a lengthy press conference whose duration didn’t reflect the novelty. Everything announced is part of the so-called Economic and Social Program for 2026. Only in tourism is there a glimpse of a possibility, so vague that it can hardly be called an announcement.

Díaz-Canel said that it is necessary to move towards “new modalities, with new players” that will allow for the development of “all the infrastructure we have,” after admitting that the sector has been hit hard by Washington’s sanctions. “We cannot think, at this time, only about the large chains when many of them, due to pressure from the United States government, have withdrawn from the country.” The president said: “We are managing businesses in the real estate and tourism sectors, with new modalities and with other actors who are not those who have traditionally been involved in these areas.” Without more details.

Regarding energy, more of the same. Díaz-Canel insisted that the focus now is on advancing the energy mix and moving towards solar. “We are going to remove, as much as possible, the limitations on vehicle imports. We will always prioritize, in terms of tariffs and prices, the import of electric vehicles that are charged with solar energy,” he added.

More promises: the retention of human capital. The president stated that there are “actions and measures” aimed at attracting, above all, young people, especially through higher wages. He did not explain how better wages can be offered in a devastated economy like Cuba’s, with all sectors destroyed, which has led to the loss of up to 20% of the population in recent years.

Nor was it surprising, in a speech that was yet another exercise in wishful thinking, that he said trade would be promoted and that electronic invoicing would be implemented.

It was also unsurprising, in a speech that was yet another exercise in good intentions by the Cuban regime, that he said trade would be promoted and electronic invoicing would be implemented—given the current state of the telecommunications system and the failure of the banking reform. Furthermore, he “announced”—as Cubadebate explicitly states —that “prohibited activities will be limited,” making it clear that they will not be eliminated entirely, but rather that the corporate purpose “will be as broad as possible” and “the possibilities for shareholding will be expanded.”

Díaz-Canel again appealed to Cuban emigrants for help and said that measures are being taken for the use of bank accounts by foreigners and for the elimination of obstacles, though he did not specify what those measures were. “Also discussed are two particular forms of investment by Cubans: that of Cubans residing abroad and that of Cubans in Cuba; and that they can participate on equal terms as economic actors alongside foreign direct investment, alongside state-owned enterprises, alongside non-state entities and cooperatives in the country’s economic and productive framework,” he insists now.

Another of the topics discussed that was already known is the possibility of different types of business associations, such as the decentralization of certain decisions to municipalities or the ability of each company to design its own salary system.

The talk was preceded by Díaz-Canel’s reflections on the real reason that has led to this point: the tightening of US sanctions. “The United States cannot forgive itself for the fact that, at this stage, with all the maximum pressure they have exerted, the Revolution continues to exist and the country continues to function. And not even they themselves believe what they talk about and repeat so much about a failed State,” he asserted, also announcing that the option of a people’s war remains on the table should an aggression occur.

The president spoke of a “multidimensional aggression as part of a totally aggressive policy by the United States government toward Cuba, with utter contempt and an interventionist character,” and said that this presents an opportunity for new ideas and mechanisms, as happened—he compared—in Vietnam. Then, however, he not only failed to announce anything that could counter the latest decisions from the White House, but rather, on the contrary, seemed to make it clear that there is no economic transition in sight. At least, not under his control.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

New Cooking Gas Tariff in Havana Doubles Previous Price, According to Informal Notice to Residents

The price per cubic metre rises from 2.50 to 4.97 pesos, while prices for households without a meter range from 100 to 400 CUP depending on the number of occupants

Granma / Dunia Álvarez Palacios

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 13 June 2026 /  “Pass this on to the neighbours so everyone finds out in time.” That is the warning accompanying a new price table for manufactured gas – cooking gas – that has been circulating since this weekend through various WhatsApp groups in Havana. The table nearly doubles the current tariff and significantly increases the bill for customers who do not have a meter.

According to the message, the cubic metre will rise to 4.97 pesos, compared to the 2.50 established since January 2021. A household consuming 30 cubic metres a month, for example, will no longer pay 75 pesos but will instead owe 149.10.

The increase amounts to 98.8%, but the blow will be greater for so-called non-metered customers, whose bill does not depend on actual consumption but on a quantity of cubic metres assigned according to the number of residents in the dwelling.

The table being circulated sets a monthly payment of 99.40 pesos for households of one or two people, corresponding to 20 cubic metres. Households of between three and five residents will have to pay 298.20 pesos for 60 cubic metres, while dwellings with six or more occupants will be assigned 80 cubic metres and a bill of 397.60 pesos.

The informal document also sets the cost of a cut-off and reconnection at 370 pesos, far above the 50 pesos established in the regulations approved under the Tarea Ordenamiento. [Ordering Task].

The increase amounts to 98.8%, but the blow will be greater for so-called non-metered customers

As of this Saturday, neither the Manufactured Gas Company, nor Unión Cuba-Petróleo, nor the Ministry of Energy and Mines had published on their websites any communication confirming the new prices. Nor has the corresponding resolution been found in the Gaceta Oficial.

The message itself, as shared among customers, acknowledges that the information is still awaiting public release. “In any case, it will be announced through the company’s official channels,” states the text, which asks recipients to pass the warning on to their neighbours.

The absence of any official explanation has raised doubts about continue reading

the date of entry into force, the territorial scope of the measure, and the procedure for determining consumption in dwellings without a meter.

Manufactured gas is distributed primarily across several Havana municipalities through a pipeline network, unlike liquefied gas, which is sold in cylinders. Metered customers’ bills are calculated from the monthly meter reading, while non-metered customers are charged a fixed rate based on the composition of the household.

The most recent official tariff found appears in Extraordinary Official Gazette No. 68, published on 10 December 2020 as part of the monetary reform measures. The regulation set the retail price of manufactured gas at 2.50 CUP per cubic metre and that of liquefied gas at 21.30 pesos per kilogram.

The measure hits especially hard those dwellings that have no meter and cannot reduce their bill through conservation

The provision also established a maximum rate of 65 pesos per hour for new installation, renovation, modification, or equipment fitting work, and 50 pesos per hour for cut-off and reconnection services.

If the new table is confirmed, the price per cubic metre will have remained unchanged for more than five years before experiencing a near-100% rise. However, for some non-metered customers the total increase in the bill could be considerably greater, owing to the volume of consumption that will be automatically assigned to them.

A three-person household, for example, will have to pay for 60 cubic metres regardless of whether their actual consumption falls below that figure. The measure hits especially hard those dwellings that have no meter and cannot reduce their bill through conservation.

The informal circulation of such measures has become commonplace in Cuba, where users learn of price changes, service interruptions, and new regulations through neighbourhood groups before the authorities announce them publicly.

“Now we just need the bill to arrive,” commented a Havana resident after receiving the table in her building’s chat group. In a city subject to lengthy blackouts, manufactured gas remains one of the few relatively stable alternatives for cooking – but it may also be about to cease being one of the cheapest.

Translated by GH.

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Cuba is 4th Worst in the World in Inflation, Surpassed Only By Venezuela, North Korea and Iran

  • Official data for May indicates a year-on-year increase of 15.89%, while the rise in prices in the informal market skyrockets by 66%.
  • Due to the depreciation of the peso – 40% in one year – powdered milk went from 2,000 pesos per kilo on April 7 to 2,400 on May 26 and 3,200 on June 4
Prices continue their relentless climb in formal markets and, even worse, in informal ones. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, June 12, 2026 / “The price of a four-pound package of chicken went up to 2,000 pesos, 100 pesos more in just one day. And powdered milk went up to 3,200 pesos per kilo,” lamented a Havana resident last week as he left a small business. The price surge has regained momentum in recent months, and official data reflects this. So far this year, the consumer price index stood at 9.16% in May, two points higher than in the same month last year, and the year-on-year variation reached 15.89%.

This is in the formal market; if we look at the informal market, things get worse. As of June 7, US economist Steve Hanke, who regularly analyzes country-by-country data including the informal market, placed Cuba’s inflation at 66% year-on-year. Venezuela remains the world champion, with 574% despite economic changes, followed by North Korea (201%) and Iran (115%). Cuba ranks fourth, its national currency having depreciated by 40% in a year, according to the same author.

The accelerating loss of purchasing power for Cubans is the final straw in this situation. The peso is plummeting so drastically that even the freely convertible currency [MLC] is gaining strength by leaps and bounds. This Wednesday, the MLC was trading at 430 pesos on the informal currency market, and just one day later, on Thursday night, it was already trading at 488 pesos. The euro remains unattainable, trading at 730 CUP, while the most important currency, the dollar, is trading at 642, nine days after reaching a record high of continue reading

600.

This Wednesday, the MLC was trading at 430 pesos in the informal currency market, and just one day later, on Thursday night, it was already trading at 488 pesos.

The most serious aspect of the situation is that there seems to be no end in sight. Data published by the National Office of Statistics and Information (ONEI) reflects considerable price increases in some food items, which 14ymedio has already observed in June. Powdered milk is one of the products that saw the largest price increase in May, according to ONEI, at 6.2%. This newspaper, which publishes weekly prices from various markets across the island, recorded a price of 2,000 pesos for this product on April 7, which rose to 2,400 pesos on May 26, and by June 4 had already reached 3,200 pesos.

Powdered milk has been identified by authorities as one of the products experiencing shortages— preventing its normal distribution to children, who are theoretically entitled to it by the state—due to the suspension of operations by several shipping companies for fear of US sanctions and because of fuel shortages. However, some traditionally domestic products, or even those currently exported, are also experiencing significant price increases.

This is the case with coffee, which in May—according to the National Office of Statistics and Information (ONEI)—rose 7.7%. Data from 14ymedio indicates that the price of coffee beans was 600 pesos on April 4, 750 on May 16, and 850 on May 30. As for sugar, once a mainstay of the Cuban economy and now a commodity that must be imported, the price increase recorded in May on the official market was 7.69%, and the rise continues, as this newspaper was able to verify. The price was 320 pesos per pound on April 26, 380 on May 30, and 450 on June 4.

Flour, salt, and all meats also saw price increases of between 2.5% and 9% in the CPI report. Furthermore, the restaurants and hotels division, which includes food cooked outside the home, rose 2.93% last month—only alcoholic beverages and tobacco, at 3.13%, exceeded this figure—and now represents a cumulative increase of 14.95% this year and 26.54% compared to last year.

Food is also almost 20% more expensive than in May 2025, the category that most affects the population. Transportation is not far behind; although it didn’t increase significantly in the last month analyzed, it is already officially 21.7% more expensive.

Food is also almost 20% more expensive than in May 2025, the category that most affects the population. Transportation is not far behind; although it didn’t increase significantly in the latest month analyzed, it is officially 21.7% more expensive.

The official press expressed annoyance at the attention given to this issue and dedicated an article to denouncing that the figure was “presented in a decontextualized and malicious way like the percentages of medicine shortages in Cuba.” According to the pro-government publication Razones de Cuba, this “destabilizing” content concealed a different reality: that it was “the deliberate consequence of a policy of economic strangulation designed precisely to generate this scenario of shortages and suffering among the Cuban population.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

With the Exception of Baracoa and Maisí, There Has Been No Electricity in Guantánamo, Cuba Since Thursday

The Antonio Guiteras power plant is reconnected to the national electricity grid after a week-long shutdown for repairs.

The Antonio Guiteras CTE (Transit Commission) is “in line with the National Electric System and increasing its load,” the UNE (National Union of Electricity Workers) said in a brief statement. / Girón

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, Juan Diego Rodríguez, June 12, 2206 / This Friday, two days later than announced, the Antonio Guiteras power plant in Matanzas was finally connected to the national power grid. “In line with the National Electric System and increasing load,” the Cuban Electric Union (UNE) said in a brief but eagerly awaited statement, after a week of repair work.

User comments show just how accustomed Cubans are to the ups and downs of the thermoelectric plants. “Let’s see how long it lasts,” one said. “They’re playing the seesaw game, going in and out, what’s the name of the construction project?” said another. A third, with the same resigned humor, wrote: “We’ll see, because the little girl loves to party on the weekends.” The Guiteras plant went out last Friday due to a leak in the boiler.

The reconnection of the country’s most important power plant comes as Guantánamo province has been disconnected from the national electricity grid (SEN) for a day, with little to no news beyond the local area and a corner of social media. A brief post from Radio Guantánamo indicated that the eastern territory had gone offline “due to a fault in the 110 kV [kilovolt] transmission line that connects the province with Santiago de Cuba,” and assured that “work is underway to locate the fault and resolve it.”

“In my house we haven’t been able to cook anything because my wife and I are chronic asthmatics and charcoal makes us very sick.”

The report also stated that only the municipalities of Baracoa and Maisí had electricity service, supplied through Moa, in Holguín.

“In my house, we haven’t been able to cook anything because my wife and I have chronic asthma, and charcoal makes us very ill. We depend on the electric stove to cook, so since yesterday we haven’t even been able to make coffee,” a man from Guantánamo explained sadly to 14ymedio. He added that neither he nor his wife had been able to continue reading

go to work.

“My wife works in a polyclinic lab, but when there’s no electricity, they can’t pump water to the tanks, and practically all the clinics and services have to close,” he explains. “I work at a small business that makes aluminum windows and doors. Most of the machines we use run on electricity, so the workshop doesn’t open when there’s a power outage.”

None of this is mentioned in the UNE’s daily report, which had already predicted early this morning that the Guiteras plant would be incorporated into the National Electric System (SEN) during peak hours. A total of eight thermal units are out of service: units 5 and 6 of the Máximo Gómez plant in Mariel (Artemisa); units 2 and 3 of the Ernesto Guevara de la Serna thermal power plant in Santa Cruz del Norte (Mayabeque); unit 2 of the Lidio Ramón Pérez plant in Felton (Holguín); unit 5 of the Nuevitas plant (Cienfuegos); and units 5 and 6 of the Renté plant in Santiago de Cuba.

The projected deficit for Friday evening is slightly better than in previous days. With a demand of 3,000 megawatts (MW), a shortfall of 1,690 MW is expected, affecting 1,720 MW, or 57.3% of the required capacity.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba Should Close Its Old Power Plants and Refineries: “Sugar Cane Is the Energy of the Future” – A Must Read

Jorge Piñón, a researcher at the University of Texas, discusses the challenges and opportunities in a future island in terms of electricity and fuel.

Sergio Soto Refinery, in Cabaiguán, Sancti Spíritus. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yaiza Santos, Madrid, June 12, 2026 / With a degree in Economics and Latin American Studies, Jorge Piñón (b. Cárdenas, Matanzas, 1947) worked for three decades in the oil sector—at companies like Shell, Amoco, and BP—traveling the world. This experience, coupled with his natural interest in the country of his birth—which he left as a young child—ultimately led him to head, at an age when others are already enjoying retirement, a specialized working group at the Energy Institute of the University of Texas at Austin. From there, in recent years, he has become the essential voice for understanding everything related to the energy crisis in Cuba.

The conversation, by phone, took place before Vanguard Energy’s agreement to export fuel to private companies was made public. This agreement, if ultimately confirmed, includes the use of Unión Cuba-Petróleo (Cupet) tanks for storage. It was also before Cupet, the state-owned oil company, was sanctioned by Washington , so it was necessary to follow up with them on the matter. “I see it as a future roadmap for supplying Cuba with fuel during an economic and political transition without Cupet’s monopoly,” he stated. He added an objection: “The challenge of this agreement doesn’t lie with Vanguard, but with the small businesses it will supply. Who will monitor and ensure that these micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) don’t sell or supply Vanguard’s barrels to state-owned companies?”

This is something he’s been warning about ever since the US allowed oil exports to the island’s MSMEs – Cuba also granted import permits, albeit in a more opaque manner with no way to verify the true destination of that fuel, and it could end up in state hands, as 14ymedio, in fact, documented. The interview began with this issue.

14ymedio: Are you aware whether the United States has this information about the fuel diversion and if they have commented on it, even unofficially?

Jorge Piñón: The problem with sanctions is that we can write all sorts of sanctions on a piece of paper, but then how do we verify them? And how do we enforce them? The United States doesn’t have hundreds of FBI agents in every small town and street in Cuba; it’s impossible to ensure that this fuel doesn’t pass through the hands of state-owned assets and companies. From the moment the exported tanker arrives in Mariel, Mariel is a government entity. This is the first step in establishing a connection between the state and the small business importing that fuel. Then, the best place to store the contents of the truck or trailer transporting the tanker is at gas stations, which are empty anyway. In other words, the future of Cuba’s fuel sector is in the hands of Cupet’s assets.

One of the points we advocate is the privatization of logistics, distribution, and marketing of the fuels.

One of the points we advocate is the privatization of logistics, distribution, and marketing of the fuels. The port of Nuevitas, for example, should be made available so that its two or three tanks of diesel and gasoline can be purchased by a distributor or a private logistics company. Trucks or tankers would then come to collect this fuel and transport it to Camagüey, from where it would be distributed to a small gas station, which should also be privately owned. In Cuba, the State should never be involved in the purchase, supply, logistics, or marketing of fuels, just as in Spain and other countries.

14ymedio: Rather, I was asking the question to find out if the United States officials are aware of the risks.

Jorge Piñón: I know they are.

14ymedio: And what do they say?

Jorge Piñón: They’re very quiet. From the questions they ask the experts, we can get a sense of the dilemma they face, the challenge they’re under, and the answer they’re truly seeking. But the question neither you nor I have an answer to, because we don’t have a crystal ball, is how continue reading

the transition will unfold. Until we have a roadmap, all we have are ideas that are difficult to clarify.

14ymedio: At the beginning of this crisis, after the US intervention in Venezuela, Kpler experts estimated that the island’s fuel would last four days. That seems to have been stretched. Aside from the relief provided by the Anatoly Kolodkin refinery —for a month, perhaps?—what allows the country to continue functioning, given that the diesel and gasoline imported by SMEs are barely enough for anything?

Jorge Piñón: Unfortunately, we’re doing that calculation almost blindfolded. What do we know? We know that Cuba was consuming around 100,000 barrels a day in the last year or year and a half. We know that Cuba produces 40,000 barrels a day of heavy crude oil, and we know—very importantly—that this crude oil is used

A Chilean Mural in Havana Cannot Hide the Words ‘Down With the Dictatorship’

This Wednesday, the trace of one of the “subversive” posters was still visible, despite the persistent black paint.

Mural by Sebastián E. in José Raúl Capablanca Park, in the Playa municipality of Havana. “What side of the blade are you on?” / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, June 11, 2026 /  The Chilean “urban artist”Sebastián E., known professionally as Rata Virus, has attracted significant media attention, including from some international outlets, for the mural he created in José Raúl Capablanca Park in Havana’s Playa municipality. Covering a large wall with a black background, the mural depicts a male figure, with only half of his face and his chest visible, wielding a machete, beneath the caption: “Which side of the edge are you on?”

As the artist himself explained to EFE, he traveled to Cuba following a promise to the late Uruguayan president José Mujica, and with his work he seeks to reflect how “the people always lose” in scenarios of political confrontation. “Not everything can be seen in black and white,” he told the Spanish news agency, somewhat cryptically.

This Wednesday, the “down with the dictatorship” slogan was still visible, despite the persistent black paint. / 14ymedio

“Generally, the Cuban people are on the edge of the machete, they’re in the middle, and the powerful are on the handle of the machete, they’re the ones who control the blade.” He added: “The work is interesting because it makes you reflect on the fact that whichever side you choose will always end up cutting you.”

What wasn’t mentioned in those media interviews is the subversive slogans written on top of the mural, which were conveniently covered up by the authorities. This Wednesday, still visible in the outline of one of them was the “down” of “down with the dictatorship,” despite the persistent black paint.

Salvador E. during his interview with the EFE news agency in Havana. / EFE/Screenshot

“In Cuba, the fracture is mainly seen in a senstion of political tension that translates into fear, into uncertainty,” Sebastián E. explained in his conversation with EFE, in front of a Basque flag and Nietzsche’s words in German: “Gott ist tot” (“God is dead”).

In the same space, he added, unknowingly putting the finishing touch on the hidden message: “People don’t know what’s going to happen, especially when you add a little something extra that is censorship.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Number of Political Prisoners in Cuba Reached a New Record of 1,281 in May

According to Prisoners Defenders, 28 new cases were recorded in May.

“Cuba is experiencing the biggest wave of repression in recent decades,” PD reported. / 14ymedio

14ymedio biggerEP (via 14ymedio), Madrid, June 11, 2026 / The number of political prisoners in Cuba reached a new record of 1,281 in May, according to the count by the organization Prisoners Defenders, which warns that this figure is only “the tip of the iceberg of the misfortune” in which the Island and its inhabitants are immersed and highlights the wave of repression being carried out by the regime of Miguel Díaz-Canel.

According to this organization, during the month of May, 28 new cases of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience were recorded, many of them related to protests over blackouts, lack of water, food shortages and the extreme deterioration of living conditions on the island.

“Cuba reached a new record in May, which is only the tip of the iceberg of the misfortune that Cubans are experiencing,” denounced the president of Prisoners Defenders, Javier Larrondo, warning that “the international community cannot continue to look the other way.”

Javier Larrondo, warning that “the international community cannot continue to look the other way”

“While the country has been sinking into an unprecedented crisis since 2021, marked by blackouts, hunger, lack of water and the collapse of all basic services, the regime’s response has been to imprison, persecute and sow terror,” he lamented, stressing that “state terrorism has become the only policy practiced” by the Díaz-Canel regime “to maintain power.”

According to Larrondo, “among the new cases are women activists, citizens who denounced the situation on social media, and people arrested after peaceful protests.” The NGO’s latest report also includes “minors imprisoned in adult prisons and victims of torture, ill-treatment, and denial of medical care.” continue reading

In this regard, Prisoners Defenders has denounced the death in custody of Ernesto Brieva Sempé, who was arrested in connection with the protests of July 11, 2021, and died on May 13 after years of imprisonment, chronic kidney disease, malnutrition, and a lack of adequate medical care. His death brings the number of political prisoners who have died in the custody or under the direct responsibility of the regime since 2023 to six.

The organization’s president stressed that “these are not isolated cases; they are the result of a systematic policy of neglect, punishment, and dehumanization.”

Furthermore, he drew attention to the fact that there are 449 seriously ill political prisoners and another 52 with severe mental health disorders who are not receiving medical attention in Cuban prisons. “Every day they remain imprisoned increases the risk of further deaths,” he warned.

Furthermore, Prisoners Defenders has questioned the “alleged pardon of 2,010 prisoners” announced by the regime on May 25, after analyzing the list and finding that only one political prisoner has been released, emphasizing that it was nothing more than “another propaganda operation.” The other political prisoner included in the pardon remains incarcerated.

“Cuba is experiencing the biggest wave of repression in recent decades, and thousands of families continue to pay the price for demanding a dignified life, freedom, and fundamental rights,” Larrondo emphasized.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Material and Moral Support from Europe to Cuba Multiplies

The regime expands its solar capacity with support from sympathetic organisations on the continent, which are also activating colloquia and mobilisation actions

Solar panels sent by European organisations on the roof of the ELAM. / Cubadebate

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 11 June 2026 / From this Wednesday, half the energy demand of the Latin American School of Medicine (ELAM) can be met by the new photovoltaic grid project installed at this university study centre for foreign students. The project was promoted by MediCuba Europa, headquartered in Switzerland, which has already carried out several schemes at the ELAM and other institutions in Cuba.

According to the official press, the panels have a total installed capacity of 208 kWp, and the polyclinic and a study courtyard are protected from power cuts by batteries that have been installed, “contributed by international solidarity to support this beautiful Cuban internationalist project”.

This project forms part of the programme known as Energy for Life, designed to provide electrical supply to health institutions on the Island and funded by donations made to a MediCuba Europa account at a Swiss bank. The official Cuban press states that the organisation has the participation of NGOs from 13 European states “that practise their solidarity with Cuba in the field of health”, and asserts that they are in “different regions”, mixing countries such as Germany, Switzerland, and Austria with autonomous regions such as the Canary Islands.

Brussels hosted a group of activists who called for an “end to the blockade”. / Cubadebate

Furthermore, the press mentions a territory that does not exist as such – Euskal Herria (Basque people or the people who speak Basque), a political-cultural entity that belongs to the imagination of Basque expansionist movements – including the terrorist organisation ETA and its milieu – whose goal is to bring continue reading

together in a single nation the inhabitants of the Basque Country, Navarra, and the Pyrénées-Atlantiques (France).

The MediCuba Europa website states that it is made up of some 18 organisations, eleven of them full members and seven as associates. In the first group are mediCuba-Switzerland, mediCuba-France, and mediCuba-Finland, together with the Spanish Sodepaz, the Italian Associazione Nazionale di Amicizia Italia-Cuba, the German Humanitäre Cuba Hilfe e.V., the Irish Cuba Support Group, the Swedish Svensk-Kubanska Föreningen, the Norwegian Cubaforeningen Norge, the Austrian Österreichisch-Kubanische Gesellschaft, and the Luxembourg Solidarité Luxembourg Cuba.

In the second group: Dansk-Cubansk Forening (Denmark), Cuba Solidarity Campaign UK (United Kingdom), CEESE-group Netherlands (the Netherlands), and the Spanish organisations Euskadi Cuba, Asociación Valenciana de Amistad con Cuba Jose Marti, Asociación Solidaridad y Cooperación Ernesto Guevara de Madrid, and the Asociación de Amistad Canario Cubana Antonio Pérez Monzón.

The ELAM project is broken down on the website into two stages: a large solar plant to be built with two companies – one German, one Swiss – of 60 kW, which has been producing since June 2015. The second stage, the current one, has been underway for a year and involves four companies from the same countries.

But the projects within the solar plan are far more numerous and have also made it possible to install capacity at the Finlay Vaccine Institute, the Faustino Pérez Provincial Hospital in Matanzas, the Cardiocentre and the William Soler polyclinic, the Borras Marfan paediatric hospital, and the outpatient maternity clinic in Matanzas. In addition, the website notes that more energy projects are forthcoming.

The organisation has also recently been involved in projects to secure locally produced sodium heparin for patients in Cuba, the purchase of paediatric antitumoural drugs, and pacemakers for the Cuban health system.

The organisation has also recently been involved in projects to secure locally produced sodium heparin for patients in Cuba, the purchase of paediatric antitumoural drugs, and pacemakers for the Cuban health system.

The activity of European associations close to the Cuban regime is currently buzzing. That same Cubadebate publishes this Thursday the mobilisation that took place at the Luxembourg Square, in front of the European Parliament, to support the start of activities of a solidarity convoy with Cuba that had arrived from Italy and will travel through several cities under the slogans “Let Cuba Breathe” and “Europe Wakes Up”.

In the rain and carrying placards, activists, Belgian and European parliamentarians, Cubans resident in the country, and others joined an event that the official press describes, cloyingly, as a demonstration of “the fact that distance does not cool legitimate commitments”. This was happening outside, while inside a European Parliament – which has already voted on numerous occasions for resolutions calling for the release of political prisoners or sanctions against the regime – an event was taking place organised by the left-wing parliamentary group, entitled Toward a New Internationalism in an Age of War, at which the role of the United States in conflicts such as those in Ukraine or Palestine, but also Sudan and Cuba, was discussed.

It is precisely these two countries that will be the destination of a €350,000 grant from the Basque Government, made up for the most part of right-wing Basque nationalists and socialists. The direct subsidy to the United Nations Development Programme in Cuba amounts to €250,000 and will support the project Havana’s Advance Towards Its Future: Comprehensive Implementation and Monitoring of the Havana Provincial Development Strategy. According to the report, this project aims to promote comprehensive development – energy, waste, and housing – on the Island, which faces “significant challenges”.

Translated by GH

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

“Water and Power” – the Desperate Cry of the Cuban Women of Luyano, Ground Down by Constant Blackouts

In Santos Suarez, residents took over a street and set fire to the many open-air rubbish piles and an Etecsa installation

Luyano residents took to the streets with their cooking pots, exhausted by the many hours without services. / Screen capture / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 11 June 2026 / The banging of pots and pans in broad daylight is becoming a regular occurrence. It happened again this Wednesday in the Havana neighbourhood of Luyano, in full view of two police patrols that this time limited themselves to watching as residents beat their cookware to the chant of “water and power”.

Those who leaned out onto their balconies to see what was happening were invited to join in. “It’s not up there, it’s down here, in the street,” one resident shouted at the onlookers still holding back from the protest. Others beat their pans more discreetly from their balconies. By that point they had been without power for some 27 hours – which also meant no water.

The protest, which 14ymedio was able to witness, was not the only one to take place this Wednesday in the capital – or elsewhere in Cuba. The months the population has spent enduring blackouts of sometimes more than 48 hours straight are taking an even greater toll with the summer heat.

Watch video here   “Water and Power”, the desperate shout of the women of Luyanó, exhausted by the constant outages.

In Santos Suarez, the night was less peaceful. The protest began after 8 pm and the intensity kept building until, according to an eyewitness account on social media, the crowd took over Calle General Serrano from one end to the other, setting fire to every one of the many rubbish piles until the situation spiralled out of control.

“They didn’t restore the electricity. They almost burned down the Las Estrellitas de Serrano children’s centre. The fire brigade had to come to stop it spreading further. Further along Calle General Serrano they couldn’t control the fire and it burned the Etecsa server – those cabinets on certain street corners – leaving more than half the neighbourhood without communications,” an eyewitness recounted. To cap it all, the state monopoly has said it has no spare parts to repair it and the blackout will not be short-lived.

“At one of the corners where they lit the rubbish piles, because it was night-time, the wind carried the smoke into the homes and a young girl ended up at the Raul Gomez polyclinic because she is asthmatic – and that’s without counting all the other residents breathing in those chemicals,” the resident lamented. In her post she reproaches the United States for the energy blockade and the regime for demanding continue reading

resistance “with no intention of proposing any positive change. And caught between these two governments, the Cuban people are strangling themselves with that rope”.

The night was a long one again. The forecast deficit was 2,040 megawatts: at peak hours the electricity system generates only 990 MW while demand stands at at least 3,000. The Antonio Guiteras thermoelectric plant – the country’s main one – had been expected to come back online this Wednesday after three intensive days of repairs.

Firefighters attending one of the blazes in Santos Suarez. / Impactosdesde el Corazón

In the end, the situation has dragged on a little longer and, on Wednesday afternoon, workers were awaiting the start of the hydraulic test, which will determine when the restart can begin, following verification of all the weld seams and areas of concern in the boiler.

Engineer Roman Perez Castaneda, the plant’s director general, told the official press that the inspection would take around six hours – a “decisive moment to assess the work and correct any weak points”. If the results are favourable, the boiler is closed and fired up, after which a further six hours are needed to reach operating parameters, produce usable steam and begin turning the turbine – the steps required before reconnecting to the national electricity grid.

“We acknowledge it is a race against time, but we have confidence in the work that has been carried out,” said Perez Castaneda. The worst news is that at this stage the 200 MW the Guiteras plant can contribute barely matters when the shortfall is ten times that.

Translated by GH

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Where Are Our Children? Young Cubans in Dungeons and Silence From the Authorities

The cases of Eddy Ceballos, Jonais Antony Arenas, and the members of El4tico expose the opacity of the police and the use of fear against a rebellious generation.

The three episodes, each with its own distinct focus, depict the detention of citizens without clear information and without reliable institutional channels for their families. / 14ymedio

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“Eddy Ceballos sends his greetings to everyone; he knows he is not alone,” wrote his mother, Marieta Pérez, after finally seeing him this Tuesday, following days of uncertainty. The message, brief and marked by the usual difficulties—power outages, poor internet connection, and the inability to record a video—confirms that the creator of the comedy channel Despingovery Channel remains under the control of the authorities.

Ceballos’s case is similar to that of Jonais Antony Arenas Fernández, a 23-year-old from Havana who was searched for by his family in hospitals and police stations while, according to Alas Tensas, based on reports circulating on social media , he was detained. It is also similar to that of Kamil Zayas Pérez, a member of the audiovisual project El4tico, who has been imprisoned for four months in Holguín. On Tuesday, the young man sent a letter from prison denouncing that Cuba lives under a regime that has suspended “the right to be happy” and “the full enjoyment of freedom.”

The three episodes, with distinct profiles, portray the detention of citizens without clear information, without reliable institutional channels for families, and with an opacity that turns any arrest or imprisonment into an area of ​​uncertainty and anguish.

Ceballos’ mother bids farewell “from Despingolandia and Apagonia,” a reference to the humorous and critical universe created by her son.

Ceballos was arrested on June 1st after posting a video on his channel in which he toured an abandoned military installation. In the video , presented in his usual satirical style, as if it were a Discovery Channel documentary, he showed remnants of military infrastructure, radar systems, bunkers, and military scrap, without revealing the exact location. He was arrested shortly afterward near his home.

The version circulating among family members and activists points to an accusation of alleged “invasion of military property.” Independent legal organizations have warned that this offense is not recognized as a crime under Cuban criminal law, reinforcing the claim that the arrest was arbitrary. To date, the authorities have not offered continue reading

a transparent public explanation regarding the charges, the legal process, or the measure imposed on Ceballos.

His mother, who in recent days had promised to provide details in a video, explained that she hadn’t been able to do so due to electrical and internet connection problems. “Everyone here knows what’s happening with the power and the connection,” she wrote. Even so, she confirmed that she was able to see him and that he sent greetings to those who have been following the case. “And I, his mother, too,” she added, before signing off “from Despingolandia and Apagonia,” a reference to the humorous and critical universe created by her son.

The complaint described what happened as “a total lack of respect,” due to the family members’ ordeal going from place to place while the authorities denied or confused information about their whereabouts.

The case of Jonais Antony Arenas Fernández took another path, but ultimately pointed to the same problem. The young man, a resident of Santos Suárez and a cafeteria worker, had been reported missing since Friday. According to his mother’s initial testimony, he was detained near the Capri Hotel in Havana while looking for merchandise. The alleged reason was an unpaid fine.

The family received a call from Jonais at 12:20 a.m. from a police station. In that call, the young man said he had to pay 4,000 pesos for the fine. However, when his family went to look for him, they were told he had never been detained there. This contradiction turned the arrest into a de facto disappearance for the family, who began visiting hospitals and police stations without receiving a clear answer.

Journalist Niover Licea reported on his Facebook page that Jonais had indeed been detained and was recently released. The report described the situation as “a complete lack of respect,” citing the family’s ordeal of being sent from one place to another while authorities denied or provided confusing information about his whereabouts.

In the text, Zayas accuses the regime of having caused “a setback of 67 years for Cuba”

Kamil Zayas Pérez, however, remains imprisoned. A member of El4tico  an independent audiovisual project based in Holguín, he was arrested on February 6 along with Ernesto Ricardo Medina in an operation that included raids and the seizure of equipment. Since then, his case has become another symbol of the offensive against young people who use social media to document the country’s crisis and challenge the government.

Four months after his imprisonment, Zayas released a declaration written from prison. In it, he accuses the regime of having set Cuba back 67 years and of perpetuating its hold on power “over a mountain of corpses and a sea of ​​blood.” The statement, released by people close to the activist, is accompanied by a logo* that, they explained, the young man had been thinking about before his incarceration.

“We, the youth, feel we are part of the present and will bear the consequences and assume the responsibilities of the time that belongs to us,” Zayas wrote. “If the right to be happy, the full enjoyment of freedom, the desire to gather, and the will to act and speak are suspended, we are becoming slaves,” he added.

The El4tico member concludes with a direct appeal to dignity and popular sovereignty: “Because a revolution is not only a right, but also a duty of citizens if circumstances require it.”

*

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.