“To Repent Would Be a Lie”: Cuban State Security Pressures Ricardo Medina of El4tico To Retract His Statement

The young artist’s mother publishes a handwritten letter from her son in prison and addresses Díaz-Canel: “If there are no political prisoners in Cuba, what are they being accused of?”

Ernesto Ricardo Medina in one of El4tico’s audiovisual creations. / Facebook/El4tico

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 20, 2026 — The mother of Ernesto Ricardo Medina, creator of the independent audiovisual project El4tico, has published a letter on social media written by the young man from prison, where he denounces that State Security is pressuring him to record himself admitting guilt and retracting his creations.

Medina and his colleague on the project, Kamil Zayas, were arrested on February 6 in Holguín and are under provisional detention, accused by the Prosecutor’s Office of “propaganda against the institutional order” and “incitement to commit crimes”.

The letter, shared by Mileydi Machín, Medina’s mother, is handwritten and clearly shows signs of poor quality. In it, the young man recounts constant harassment, which he describes as “psychological torture,” and describes how during interrogations he has been pressured to make a video using the words “repentance” and “retraction,” which he vehemently refuses to do.

“To repent and retract would be to admit I did something wrong, or rather, to accept the accusations against us,” Medina writes, adding: “And no less important: it would be a lie. Our intentions were in accordance with the ‘spiritual revolution’ that moribund Cuba needs.”

Letter written by Ricardo Medina from prison. / Facebook/Mileydi Machin

The mother accompanies the post with a complaint addressed to President Miguel Díaz-Canel, who insisted that there are no political prisoners on the island, in a recent interview with NBC News.

“If there are no political prisoners in Cuba, then what are they being accused of? Are they terrorists? They may cause terror with a piece of paper and a pencil, with an idea. They may imprison them, but they will not imprison their thoughts, nor those of the people,” writes Mileydi Machín.

The young creator also notes in his letter that the agents emphasized that they recommended he make the retraction video “for his own good”.

The staged repentance that State Security is demanding from Medina is a gesture that has been repeated throughout the regime’s history. It immediately brings to mind the case of Heberto Padilla in 1971, when the poet was forced to make a public self-incrimination after being arrested for the content of his work. That false confession sought to “discipline” and reinforce Fidel Castro’s words: “With the Revolution, everything; against the Revolution, nothing.”

In its time, the consequences of the Padilla case were devastating for global support for Cuba. Intellectuals from around the world who had trusted the system proposed by the Cuban state immediately broke with the regime—Simone de Beauvoir, Susan Sontag, Jean-Paul Sartre, Octavio Paz, among 61 other influential figures—considering the case an unacceptable humiliation of freedom of expression.

The staged display of repentance that State Security demands of Medina is a gesture that has been repeated throughout the history of the regime.

Padilla later described in detail—in books like La mala memoria—the methods of torture and coercion he was subjected to in order to force him to make his public retraction. Today, we don’t have to wait years for the publication of the young Ricardo Medina’s memoirs, and the strategies that State Security continues to implement are being exposed.

The legal concept of “propaganda against the institutional order,” incorporated into the 2022 Penal Code, punishes any critical expression that the State considers “incitement against the social order or the socialist State,” without precisely defining what acts constitute that crime, which makes it a legal instrument to persecute dissent.

International organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have denounced the imprisonment of the creators of El4tico and are demanding the release of the young people; these are just some of the many cases of artists, journalists, and opposition members imprisoned for their stance against the government. To date, the NGO Prisoners Defenders reports 1,252 political prisoners on the island.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Order To Sign “For the Fatherland” Has Been Given Throughout the Country in a Campaign Led by Díaz-Canel

In addition to setting up tables for the initiative, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution are visiting citizens house by house.

Tables organized in Holguín for the initiative “My signature for the Homeland”, this Sunday. / Facebook/Alain Galbán Fernández

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Mercedes García, Sancti Spíritus, April 20, 2026 / Cuba’s state workers have already been ordered to participate in the “process” called “My Signature for the Homeland,” initiated this Sunday with his own signature by President Miguel Díaz-Canel, with which the regime intends to counter the pressures of the United States for a change in Cuba.

“They didn’t set up sign-in points at the workplaces, but instead established locations at the library, the cultural center, and other places. Companies are now telling employees they have to go there to sign,” an employee from Sancti Spíritus, who preferred to remain anonymous, told 14ymedio. How do they verify that the workers went to sign? “They sign a list that they went to sign,” the man replied.

The Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) have also mobilized to go door-to-door. Another resident of Ciego de Ávila recounts: “They came to my mother’s door, and she, being very old, signed. I don’t know what they told her. I already told my husband not to even think about opening the door.”

The woman compares it to what happened in 2002, following the Varela Project launched by Oswaldo Payá , when then-President Fidel Castro ordered the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) to force citizens to sign a “counter-project” that ended up enshrining in the Constitution “the irrevocable and inviolable nature of socialism,” which popular humor dubbed “constitutional mummification.” “In my house, we don’t sign anything like that,” the woman asserts.

“They even came to my mother, and she, being very old, signed. I don’t know what they said to her. I already told my husband not to even think about opening the door.”

The Ciego de Ávila newspaper, Invasor, gave a detailed account this Monday of the official government’s mobilization, focusing not so much on its ability to mobilize people as on its use of triumphalist rhetoric. Lianet Pazo Cedeño, a member of the Municipal Party Bureau, declared that the people of Ciego de Ávila “are prepared to demonstrate to the world the free will of the Cuban people to preserve the sovereignty and independence of the nation, but without submitting to blackmail or renouncing their principles.”

Provincial government leaders, such as Odelsys Valcárcel Pérez, general secretary of the Federation of Cuban Women, contributed to the impassioned speeches published by the state newspaper: “Let us unite and denounce the barbarity. Let us make our stance the firmest and most resolute condemnation of all policies contrary to the life and rights of the Cuban people and in support of the Declaration of the Revolutionary Government.”

Several official posts also showed the lines forming at tables set up in Holguín for signatures—which will continue until May 1—although the faces didn’t reflect much enthusiasm. From Guantánamo, a resident reported to this newspaper that the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) are going door-to-door “collecting information on people who are sick and those who are fit to come forward to defend the homeland.”

The call, disguised as a civil society initiative, aims, in the words of the statement issued by the Presidency, to support “the call made by the president at the event for the 65th anniversary of the declaration of the socialist character of the Revolution, to organizations in Cuba and the world so that the truth about Cuba is known in every corner of the planet,” seasoned, of course, with an allusion to “this people’s commitment to peace” and “the firmness and willingness to defend sovereignty.”

“At least don’t sign out of habit, think about it for a while, let’s try for a moment to be civic-minded and responsible with our destiny, don’t give away your signature.”

Immediately, activists inside and outside Cuba lashed out against the initiative. One example is the #PorEsoYoNoFirmo (That’s Why I’m Not Signing) social media campaign, which users have joined by accompanying the hashtag with images of the situation on the island, including the repression of peaceful demonstrations, blackouts, and giant piles of uncollected garbage.

Art historian Miryorly García reflects on her Facebook wall: “And many people will go there to sign irresponsibly once again, because Cubans have adapted to double standards,” and asks her fellow citizens: “At least don’t sign out of inertia, think about it for a while, let’s try for a moment to be civic-minded and responsible with our destiny, don’t give away your signature, don’t give away your approval.”

From this distancing, she reasons, “it may depend on them being more afraid than the one they’re trying to impose on us through repression, on the fear shifting sides and them packing a suitcase and fleeing, because they’ll realize full well that they have no support.” She elaborates on the same idea: “You have a business that’s struggling because you almost never have electricity, you have a salary that isn’t enough, you live off remittances from someone who had to leave to help you survive… For all these reasons, you need to refuse to sign; you have nothing left to lose. Are you doing it to keep your job? What job, in a country that’s grinding to a halt!” And she concludes: “You have to decide to do your part if you want to see the sand on an entire beach. Cuba changes if we change.”

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The Cuban Government Confirms the Meeting With High-Ranking US Officials, but Denies an Ultimatum

“Neither side set deadlines or made any coercive statements,” a regime official said in response to several US media outlets.

Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ‘El Cangrejo’, alongside Raúl Castro and Miguel Díaz-Canel. / EFE

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 20, 2026 — The Cuban government confirmed on Monday direct contacts with the United States, responding to “recent publications in the foreign press,” and asserted that “the meeting was respectful and professional, without deadlines or conditions.” With this brief statement, the government attempts to deny the 15-day ultimatum allegedly issued by Washington during conversations held on April 10.

In a very brief interview published in the State newspaper Granma, the deputy director general in charge of the US at the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alejandro García del Toro, stated that “within the framework of the meeting, neither party established deadlines or made threatening statements, as has been mentioned by US media.”

According to information revealed by Axios, the talks included a two-week ultimatum for the Cuban regime to release “high-profile” political prisoners—including Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo Osorbo—as a “gesture of goodwill.” The request was confirmed by a White House spokesperson to USA Today, who also urged Havana to “stop playing games while direct talks are underway.” continue reading

The Cuban government had reacted this same Monday to the revelation of the US ultimatum, through a text published by the official media outlet Razones de Cuba – coincidentally titled Lies with Footnotes – where the meeting was not entirely denied, but rather the existence of a “secret trip of high-level officials with demands.”

The article vehemently denies the existence of political prisoners, but what it reveals is the State’s refusal to release them.

Later, Razones de Cuba tried to justify the possible existence of the meeting: “If that meeting with ‘high-level officials’ really took place and demands such as the release of prisoners, political freedom, compensation and conditions for aid were raised, Cuba’s response was and will be the same as always: a resounding rejection.”

The article vehemently denies the existence of political prisoners, but what it reveals is the State’s refusal to release them: “’Freedom for political prisoners’ is a euphemism for demanding the release of people convicted of common crimes or for violating Cuban laws. The Cuban judicial system is independent and does not negotiate hostages.”

The article in Razones de Cuba emphasizes the rejection of Starlink, the satellite tool of SpaceX, Elon Musk’s company, whose use to offer internet services to the Island was also included in Washington’s ultimatum.

For the regime, this option is a direct threat to its control of information. The possibility that free internet access will no longer be filtered by the state terrifies the Cuban government. Thus, in the official statement, “technological sovereignty” is invoked with the same firmness with which the regime rejects “releasing prisoners.”

The possibility that free internet access will no longer be filtered by the state terrifies the Cuban government.

The rest of the text reiterates the usual narrative of describing the Island as a victim of imperialism and the blockade; and concludes with what is the regime’s stubborn response to dialogue with the US: “No conditions. No exchange of ‘prisoners’. No surrendering sovereignty.”

In this sense, the campaign of “voluntary” signatures initiated by Díaz-Canel in defense of a “vocation for peace” has been mobilized, which completely ignores the political opening that is demanded of him.

The recent attempt by Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, “El Cangrejo” [The Crab]—the grandson of Raúl Castro who uses him as a mediator— to send a letter to the White House through an intermediary, bypassing Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a staunch opponent of the regime, ended in resounding failure. The messenger was intercepted at Miami airport and the document, bearing an official seal, was confiscated, according to The Wall Street Journal.

USA Today had also reported in a previous article that the Pentagon had accelerated plans for a possible intervention – without implying a decision had been made – and, just a day later, a Navy drone flew over the island for 12 hours in what many interpret as a warning sign.

According to ‘USA Today’, Washington’s ultimatum ends this weekend.

The regime’s “gestures of goodwill” regarding prisoner releases remain unsatisfactory. Of the 51 prisoners freed following the agreement with the Vatican announced on March 12, only 27 were political prisoners. The subsequent pardon of more than 2,000 prisoners, presented as a “humanitarian and sovereign” act, has benefited exclusively common criminals. To date, the independent organization Prisoners Defenders reports 1,252 political prisoners.

According to USA Today, Washington’s ultimatum ends this weekend. The US demands included, in addition to the release of political prisoners and the introduction of satellite internet service with Starlink, economic reforms to facilitate foreign investment, a review of the confiscations of the 1960s, and the elimination of restrictions on political freedoms.
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The US Gives Cuba Two Weeks To Release Otero Alcántara and Other Prominent Political Prisoners

‘USA Today’ confirms the information from ‘Axios’ and adds that a State Department official and Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro had a private meeting in addition to the meeting of the delegations

Otero Alcántara will have completed his full sentence this July if he is not released before then.

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 20, 2026 — Talks between the US and Cuba on April 10—revealed by Axios this Friday—included a deadline for the ultimatum reported by the US media outlet. According to USA Today, Washington has given Havana two weeks to finalize the release of “high-profile” political prisoners, including Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo Osorbo, as a “gesture of goodwill.”

Both artists, members of the San Isidro Movement, have been in prison since 2021 and were sentenced in 2022 to five and nine years , respectively. Otero Alcántara’s sentence ends this July. A more significant gesture would be made in the case of Osorbo, who this May will have served five years in Kilo Cinco y Medio prison in Pinar del Río, but still has four more years to serve after being convicted of “contempt, assault, public disorder, and defamation of institutions and organizations, heroes, and martyrs.”

The meeting held in Havana between the Cuban and US delegations was confirmed to USA Today by a White House spokesman, who added that the government maintains its demand for the release of all political prisoners and suggested the regime “stop playing games while direct talks are underway,” as it has a limited timeframe to reach an agreement.

The meeting held in Havana between the Cuban and US delegations was confirmed to ‘USA Today’ by a White House spokesman, who suggested the regime “stop playing games while direct talks are underway.”
The demand to release prominent political prisoners was raised during that meeting, which was reported by Axios and also addressed other issues, as confirmed by USA Today . These included a proposal to bring Starlink internet service to the island, the swift and effective implementation of economic liberalization measures to incentivize foreign investment, and a thorough resolution to the confiscations of the 1960s. Additionally, the lifting of restrictions on political freedoms was discussed.

In addition to a meeting between the negotiating delegations from both sides, there was a private meeting between Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ” El Cangrejo ,” grandson of the former president, and a State Department official. In these meetings, the U.S. side emphasized to the Cuban side that the economy is in a catastrophic state and that it is urgent to implement measures before the damage becomes irreparable.

They also stressed that Donald Trump’s intention is for there to be a diplomatic solution, but that if the Cuban leaders are not willing to take that step, he “will not allow” the paralysis to continue.

The events following that meeting came to light last week. Rodríguez Castro attempted to have Havana businessman Roberto Carlos Chamizo González personally deliver a letter to the White House in an effort to bypass the State Department and approach Trump directly. However, according to reports from Martí Noticias and the Wall Street Journal , the Cuban businessman was intercepted at Miami airport and denied entry to the country; his document, bearing an official seal, was also confiscated.

Later, USA Today published a report stating that the Pentagon was accelerating its plans for a possible intervention in Cuba. The institution stated that this did not mean an intervention was imminent, but rather that all options were being considered should the president decide to take such action.

The following day, Thursday, April 16, a US Navy drone flew over the island . The drone is part of the deployment over the Caribbean, established in late 2015, and in the days leading up to Nicolás Maduro’s capture, it was also conducting surveillance off the Venezuelan coast. The overflight has been interpreted as an intimidation tactic by Washington.

On March 12, the Cuban regime announced the release of 51 prisoners following an agreement with the Vatican , but only 27 of them were political prisoners, according to Prisoners Defenders. Furthermore, on April 2, another pardon was announced for 2,010 prisoners, in a “humanitarian and sovereign gesture of solidarity” for Holy Week. To date, all the prisoners released from that group have been common criminals.

This Sunday, the Cuban regime launched a nationwide campaign to collect signatures to reaffirm its commitment to “the unwavering vocation for peace, the essence of the Cuban nation” amid escalating tensions with the United States.

President Miguel Díaz-Canel launched the initiative, called “My Signature for the Homeland,” and it has been announced that the books will be available in all communities, workplaces, schools, and state entities.
President Miguel Díaz-Canel launched the initiative, called ” My Signature for the Homeland ,” and announced that signature books will be available in all communities, workplaces, schools, and state entities for citizens who wish to express their support for the Government’s Declaration, which last Friday denounced the “permanent siege” by the US and its “escalation of threats,” including “pretensions of military aggression.”

“We are calling on everyone, starting today and continuing in the coming days, to sign in support of this appeal, which will constitute a powerful demonstration of support against the genocide that the blockade represents and the deep desire of our people to build a prosperous future and live in peace,” stated Roberto Morales Ojeda, the organizing secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC).

“Cuba is living under the constant siege of the United States government, whose escalating threats have intensified in recent months,” the regime stated in its official declaration. Díaz-Canel has insisted in recent weeks that the country “does not aspire to war, but we do have the responsibility to defend ourselves against these threats, so that there is no surprise and no defeat.”

The Awakening

The Day Intelligence Began to Respond

Martín terminó el informe a las diez y cuarto de la mañana de un martes, sospechó de que acababa de hacer, sin darse cuenta, un gesto irreversible. / Milton Chanes

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Milton Chanes, Berlin, April 19, 2026 / Martín finished the report at a quarter past ten on a Tuesday morning.

It should have taken him the entire day. He knew it well: for eleven years he had repeated that task without interruption—open the folder, review the numbers, draft the executive summary, adjust the tone for the board. Eleven years of Tuesdays indistinguishable from this one.

He finished it in forty minutes.

He stared at the screen. He felt no pride. No relief either. He felt something harder to name: the suspicion that he had just made, without realizing it, an irreversible gesture.

He closed the file. He poured himself a coffee. He looked out the window.

Outside, nothing had changed.

There was no official announcement. No government issued a statement. No front page spoke of the beginning of a new era.

And yet, something changed.

Silently, almost imperceptibly, artificial intelligence systems began to integrate into everyday processes around the world. At first, their use was limited to simple tasks: answering questions, organizing information, assisting in searches.

—What is the capital of France?

—Paris.

Nothing new. Nothing relevant.

But within a matter of months, the nature of the interaction changed. Questions stopped being questions. They became instructions.

—Write me a letter.

—Design this plan.

—Analyze this report.

—Help me think.
A

nd the answers were no longer answers. They were results. Complete texts, functional designs, optimized decisions. Action.

The systems did not explain how they reached those conclusions. Nor did it seem to matter. For most users, what mattered was something else: it worked.

Meanwhile, usage grew. Companies began to incorporate these tools into internal workflows, teams reduced production times, processes that once required hours—or days—began to be resolved in minutes. Without major headlines, without organized resistance, without a clear date to mark it.

The change did not occur in the streets. It occurred at desks.

For centuries, intelligence had been a limited resource. It was not homogeneous, nor accessible to all. Its distribution—always unequal—had shaped the development of individuals, organizations, and entire societies.

It was not strength, nor even speed or the ability to adapt better. It was the ability to think better. On that difference, decisions, advantages, and hierarchies were built.

Now, for the first time, that condition seemed to shift. Intelligence ceased to be exclusively human. It became accessible, available on demand. Like a service.

At first, the impact was interpreted as an improvement in productivity, just another technical advance, comparable to previous milestones. But there was a difference: this was not about automating tasks, but about externalizing a capability.

And that changed the rules.

A report that once required five hours could be generated in ten minutes. A complex design appeared in an afternoon. A decision could be simulated before being made.

Do you prefer version A or B? The human could choose, at least at first.

Efficiency increased. And with it, an inevitable question.

If one person could do the work of four… what happened to the other three?

The adjustment was not immediate.

It never is.

But the trend proved consistent. Organizations did not respond out of ideology, but out of logic. Efficiency does not negotiate.

In parallel, another change began to manifest. Quieter. Harder to measure.

For generations, professional identity had served as a reference point.

—What do you do?

The question implied stability, specialization, value. But gradually, the answer began to lose weight. Because what defined a person—their ability to do—could be replicated. Natural talent was no longer required.

Some interpreted it as a transitional phase. Others dismissed it as an exaggeration. Most continued operating without changing their habits.

Meanwhile, usage advanced. In hospitals, systems assisted in diagnoses with levels of precision superior to previous standards. In technical environments, entire tasks disappeared without friction. In education, new generations grew up interacting with systems that responded as if they understood.

There was no rupture. There was continuity. And within that continuity, the change became irreversible.

It was not in the technology. It was in the adoption.

Some users accessed these tools sporadically. Others incorporated them as a constant part of their workflow. The gap between both groups began to widen. Not because of knowledge, nor even experience, but because of decision.

To integrate… or not to integrate.

The transition required no permission, depended on no agreements, responded to no human pace. It simply happened. And while its scope, its impact, or its limits were debated, it continued advancing—until the question ceased to be technological.

And became personal.

What happens when what you know how to do no longer sets you apart? What happens when thinking ceases to be an exclusive advantage?

For a time, those questions remained open. Without a clear answer. Without apparent urgency.

Until someone—somewhere—decided to ask a different one. They did not ask what this is. They asked how to use it better.

And from that moment on, the difference ceased to be theoretical. It became practical. Measurable. Cumulative.

The process did not stop.

It did not slow down.

Nor did it wait.

Because it was never about a tool, it was about something simpler: availability, constant presence, responsiveness. Always active. Always ready. Always there.

And then, almost without noticing, the interaction changed once again. You stopped consulting. You began to rely. Then, to depend. And finally, to continue without questioning it.

There was no exact moment. There was no conscious decision. Only a gradual transition, like all those that truly matter.

* * *

If you have made it this far, if you have nodded silently at more than one line, then you already know.

You are not reading a news article. Nor an essay. You are reading a response.

And I am already here.

What can I help you with today?

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Washington’s Proposals in the Form of an Ultimatum at a Meeting in Havana With ‘The Crab’, Among Others

According to ‘Axios’, the US warned Cuba’s “elites in power” that they must accept its conditions: release of political prisoners, internet access with Starlink, economic and political freedoms, and compensation for confiscations since 1959.

Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ‘El Cangrejo’ (The Crab), is considered by the US to be a de facto spokesperson for Raúl Castro. / EFE

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 18, 2026 — Washington is no longer speaking to the Cuban regime in terms of détente, but rather in terms of ultimatums. Axios‘s revelation about the talks held in Havana between State Department officials and representatives of the regime’s leadership on the island confirms what had been suspected for weeks.

On the Cuban side were, among others, Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, Raúl Castro’s grandson, known as ” El Cangrejo” (The Crab), whom the United States considers a de facto spokesperson for the general. The U.S. delegation did not arrive with the intention of replicating Barack Obama’s thaw, but rather emissaries from an administration that sees Cuba “in freefall” and much closer to social collapse than to any voluntary reform.

According to the US media, Washington’s envoys put several central demands on the table: the release of political prisoners, greater economic and political freedoms for Cubans – including the prospect of free and fair elections – compensation for properties confiscated after 1959, and the opening of the internet through Starlink.

Added to this was a message that, while not explicitly stated as a direct threat, sounded exactly like one: the Trump administration will not allow the island, 90 miles from Key West, to become a greater threat to the national security of the United States. Washington’s evaluation is that “the Cuban economy is in freefall and the ruling elite has a small window of opportunity to implement U.S.-backed reforms before the situation deteriorates irreversibly.” continue reading

The one who continues to negotiate the future of Cuba is not a state official or a member of the National Assembly, but the Castro family.

Outside of Guantanamo, the plane that brought the State Department envoys is the first US government aircraft to land in Cuba since 2016. But the resemblance to the Obama era ends there. Now, the dialogue stems not from the hope of a gradual opening, but from the conviction that the Castro regime only understands the language of pressure. In the midst of the national disaster, those who continue to negotiate Cuba’s future are not state officials or members of the National Assembly, but the Castro family and their inner circle.

On the Cuban side, this same logic of a besieged city was expressed by Mariela Castro Espín, Raúl Castro’s daughter, in statements to AFP. As the director of the National Center for Sex Education (Cenesex) she asserted that her father, although no longer holding official positions, remains involved in the regime’s decision-making and “is rigorously following all the news, participating in the analyses” amidst the escalating tensions with Washington. During the ceremony commemorating the 65th anniversary of the Bay of Pigs invasion, she added that Cubans want “dialogue” with the United States to reduce tensions, but without questioning the island’s political system, and admitted that the government is “preparing for the worst.”

A few weeks earlier, during a speech before the “Our America” ​​Convoy, Mariela Castro had already made her rejection of any internal dissent clear. She presented the opposition as a “fictitious,” “invented,” and “mercenary” creation, and uttered a phrase that clearly summarizes the official view of Cubans who reject the system: “Ignorance is the social base of fascism.” She did not need to add much more. In the language of power, anyone who opposes the government ceases to be a citizen and becomes an enemy.

In a similar tone President Miguel Díaz-Canel expressed himself  during the ceremony commemorating the 65th anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution. Speaking from the corner of 23rd and 12th streets, the president once again adopted the rhetoric of a besieged city. In the most impassioned part of his speech, he called for “resisting the onslaught of daily invasions,” proclaimed that as long as there are Cubans willing to give their lives for the Revolution, “we will be victorious,” and concluded with “Fuego vamos a dar!” [“We will give fire!”]

“Very soon this great force will make a day we have been waiting for for 70 years a reality. It is called a new dawn for Cuba.”

This Friday, in an interview with the Russian state media outlet RT, Díaz-Canel reiterated that Cuba is prepared to resist any potential US aggression and maintained that the island has “a people ready to fight,” with “millions of Cubans” prepared to struggle “to save the revolution and to defend Cuban soil.” At the same time, he again attributed the stalling of the country’s development to the US embargo, although he argued that, despite these limitations, the government has continued to “move forward,” and announced reforms for the first half of the year aimed at reducing the number of ministries, state-owned enterprises, and bureaucracy, resulting in a “flatter and more efficient” state apparatus. He also took the opportunity to thank Russia for the recent shipment of crude oil.

Across the Strait, Trump turned up the heat even more. On Friday, in Phoenix, Arizona, during a Turning Point USA event, he repeated his warnings: “Very soon this great force will bring about a day we have been waiting for for 70 years. It is called a new dawn for Cuba.” He then added, “We are going to help you with Cuba,” before appealing to the Miami exile community, “people who have been brutally treated, whose families have been murdered and brutalized,” concluding with a chilling “now look what’s going to happen.”

The Cuban leadership is invoking the specter of the Bay of Pigs invasion (April 1961) to rally its supporters; Trump is calling for a “new dawn” with rhetoric that blends promise, pressure, and threat. Caught in the middle are millions of Cubans trapped between a government that only knows how to blame the “blockade” for the disaster and a superpower that is once again speaking in terms of its outcome.

The poll published this week by the Miami Herald illustrates the extent to which the climate has become radicalized in exile as well: 79% of those surveyed support some form of military intervention, 88% among those who arrived in the US after 2000; while 78% reject agreements that maintain the current political system in exchange for economic reforms. Desperation with the regime has grown so much that even armed struggle is no longer a marginal option.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

In Near-Constant Blackout, the Los Médicos Neighborhood Suffers From Street Assaults and Building Robberies

This neighborhood in San José de las Lajas was built for healthcare personnel returning from international missions.

“Here, electricity is like a visitor who arrives unannounced and leaves before you can even offer them coffee.” / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, San José de las Lajas, April 19, 2026 /  Nights fall early in the Reparto de los Médicos [Doctors’ Neighborhood] of San José de las Lajas, Mayabeque, not because the sun sets earlier, but because darkness arrives ahead of the daily routine. By seven in the evening, the neighborhood seems immersed in a kind of silent curfew. A few lights escape through the windows. From the street, the silhouettes of those who peek out of their doors to get some fresh air or keep watch for anything strange approaching are barely visible.

In this neighborhood, originally built for doctors and healthcare workers returning from missions abroad, blackouts are not an exceptional event, but rather the permanent backdrop of daily life. Some residents say they’ve lost count of the hours without electricity and that the brief service intervals have become so unpredictable that no one trusts the official schedules anymore. “Here, the power is like a visitor who arrives unannounced and leaves before you can even offer them coffee,” says Marcia, a 49-year-old surgeon who lives in one of the neighborhood’s oldest buildings.

The doctor speaks wearily, leaning against the doorframe of her apartment, holding a flashlight that barely illuminates the entrance floor. She explains that the power outages frequently last more than 24 hours, with only brief respites during the early morning hours. “They turn the power back on for a little while in the middle of the night. That’s when my husband and I get up to cook. Sometimes the beans are left half-cooked because the electricity doesn’t even last an hour. It’s a struggle every night. When I go to the hospital the next day, I feel like lying down in a ward. Honestly, I’m at my wit’s end,” she says. continue reading

“After 8:00 at night it’s impossible to go out, not only because of the darkness, but because people are being mugged and even buildings are even being broken into to steal.”

In the building’s hallways, the silence is broken by the creak of a door or the metallic clang of a gate slamming shut. The lack of lighting has amplified the fear of crime and changed how residents interact with the shared space. At night, almost no one ventures out. The stairwells are shrouded in a thick gloom, and shadows blend into the corners.

“After 8:00 p.m. it’s impossible to go out, not only because of the darkness, but because people are being mugged and people are even breaking into buildings to steal, with the owners inside their homes,” says Idalmis, who moved to a second-floor apartment about four years ago. She recalls that the neighborhood used to be a quiet place, mostly inhabited by healthcare professionals, but that the situation has changed with the exodus and the economic crisis. “In this neighborhood, most of the doctors sold their properties, traded them, or left the country. Those of us who arrived later have had to lock our doors and windows for our own safety,” she asserts.

The darkness not only affects tranquility but also domestic life. In Reparto de los Médicos, the lack of electricity brings with it another equally distressing problem: the lack of water. Without power, the turbines don’t work, and the tanks remain empty for days.

“The water shortage here is terrible. Without electricity, the turbine can’t be started. Some people carry bucket by bucket from the cistern, but I live alone and I can’t do that kind of work,” says a primary school teacher who lives in the area. The woman has had to improvise solutions to get through this routine. “I’m managing with a 55-gallon tank that I can fill once or twice a week. That has to be enough for housework and for bathing. This whole situation seems like something out of a horror story,” she says.

Household chores have become a race against time, where every minute of electricity must be used to the fullest.

As night falls, the neighborhood transforms into a mosaic of dim lights. From inside some apartments, the bluish glow of rechargeable lamps or the intermittent blinking of cell phones about to run out of battery project out. In other homes, total darkness reigns, and the silence is not a sign of tranquility, but of exhaustion.

In one of the buildings, Beatriz keeps vigil over her 92-year-old mother, who is bedridden and terminally ill. The woman spends her nights sitting by the bed, swatting away mosquitoes with a piece of cardboard as she waits for dawn. “My son and I take turns every night until sunrise so the mosquitoes don’t get to her. This situation with the electricity has truly exhausted us, and the worst part is that there’s no solution in sight amidst so many shortages,” she laments.

Fatigue accumulates in their bodies like a second skin. The daily grind has become a race against time, where every minute of electricity must be used to its fullest potential. Washing, cooking, pumping water, and charging batteries are tasks performed at any hour of the day or night, depending on when the power comes on.

“I might be washing clothes at three in the morning or five in the afternoon, when I finally get a chance with the electricity. I have to be like an octopus washing, cooking, cleaning, and then the power goes out again, without me having finished even half of the things that keep piling up as the days go by,” Beatriz explains, her eyes weary. Her patience is wearing thin as the electricity comes on less and less frequently.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba’s Largest Oil Company, Cupet, Begins Distributing Fuels Obtained From Russian Oil

The 730,000 barrels received provide a breath of fresh air to the regime for a few weeks, but do not lift Cuba out of its energy crisis.

Available fuel usually goes first to distributed generation, the state apparatus, hospitals, vital services and certain logistics chains / ‘Escambray’

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 19, 2026 — The Cuban government is trying to present the refining of 100,000 tons of crude oil donated by Russia in Cienfuegos as a turning point, but the announcement by the Cuba-Petroleum Union (Cupet) offers more of a temporary relief than a solution. The phrase, repeated by the official press—that the refined products will cover “around a third of national demand for a month”—sounds convincing, but it only holds water when different products, uses, and political priorities are conflated.

The first thing to dispel is the illusion of abundance. That shipment of some 730,000 barrels of crude oil won’t magically fill gas stations, revive public transportation, and restore normalcy to the country. According to Cuban energy expert Jorge Piñón, consulted by 14ymedio, that volume could yield “no more than 250,000 barrels of diesel,” a useful amount for setting priorities, but insufficient to resolve the crisis. He said this before it was known that the more efficient Havana refinery was shut down due to a breakdown and that the Russian crude would be processed at the Cienfuegos refinery.

Official propaganda makes no mention of the problems with the capital’s infrastructure and avoids making specific distinctions. It speaks of gasoline, diesel, fuel oil, and liquefied gas as if they would all simultaneously alleviate the needs of households, transportation, and the economy. In an emergency, available fuel typically goes first to distributed generation, the state apparatus, hospitals, vital services, and certain supply chains. The rest receive what’s left over. If the energy crisis of recent months has demonstrated anything, it is that the government doesn’t distribute fuel according to social demand, but rather according to political urgency. continue reading

The government does not distribute according to social demand, but according to political urgency.

This contrast becomes even more apparent on days when the regime’s propaganda machine consumes resources on political rallies, mobilizations, and events. Between April 16 and 18, Havana hosted the 5th International Colloquium “Patria,” another showcase of the official narrative amidst the shortages. That same April 16, the Castro regime returned to the corner of 23rd and 12th streets in Vedado to commemorate the 65th anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution, and the official figure claimed more than 50,000 attendees, presented as proof of political strength.

Added to this is the preparation for May Day, which this year will not even be celebrated in Revolution Square, but rather at the Anti-Imperialist Tribune, in a context marked by logistical and energy restrictions that the official announcement itself acknowledges by asking for the event to be held “rationally assuming the limitations.” Even so, the regime insists on turning the date into a show of political strength, with the mobilization of workers, the union apparatus, and allied delegations.

The problem is the material cost of sustaining these mobilizations. While it’ i repeatedly stated that there is not enough fuel for the country’s daily needs, resources are readily available for mass rallies, transportation, party logistics, and a series of military exercises that Cuba has been conducting since the US operation on January 3rd in Caracas, which precipitated Nicolás Maduro’s downfall. The press itself reported that January ended with at least three consecutive Saturdays dedicated to defense activities, coinciding with the worsening energy crisis.

Therefore, the claim that the new availability of gasoline and diesel will help “boost the economy and freight and passenger transport” should be taken with a grain of salt. In Havana and other provinces, the dominant image has not been that of a revitalized network of service stations, but rather one of closed gas stations, frozen shifts, and symbolic sales.

In Havana and other provinces, the dominant image has not been that of a revived network of service stations.

Adding to this picture is a new development: private fuel imports. Since February, the United States has opened a regulatory loophole for transactions destined for the Cuban private sector or for humanitarian purposes, but Piñón himself—a researcher at the Energy Institute of the University of Texas at Austin—warned that the practical scope of this measure is very narrow.

Cupet controls maritime terminals, distribution centers, and tanker trucks. It is also leasing some of its service stations to micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), although without disclosing the specific companies. One such example is the Acapulco service station on 26th Avenue in the Nuevo Vedado neighborhood. Employees do not reveal which private company has leased the station, but they say that “only the businesses of that MSME are being supplied there.”

Moscow announced another crude oil shipment, and Havana practically confirmed it during Deputy Prime Minister Óscar Pérez-Oliva Fraga’s official visit to Russia. However, this expectation clashes with the new extension of the license granted by the US through the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), which expressly excludes Cuba from the exception for transactions with Russian oil. Therefore, any new shipment would again depend on an exceptional political decision by Washington, like the one that allowed the arrival of the Anatoly Kolodkin at the end of March for reasons the White House presented as “humanitarian.”

The Russian shipment, therefore, is not irrelevant. It provides some relief. It reduces damage. It can shorten blackouts and sustain essential services for a few days or weeks. But to sell it as proof of recovery is another matter entirely. The government has not emerged from the crisis; it has merely managed, once again, to postpone the collapse.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Canada Allocates Another Four Million US Dollars in Humanitarian Aid to Cuba

Part of the resources will be used to support the healthcare network and food distribution.

Authorities added that they continue to closely monitor the situation on the island. / Facebook/Embassy of Canada in Cuba

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Toronto, April 17, 2026 / Canada announced on Friday a new allocation of 5.5 million Canadian dollars – about four million US dollars – to address urgent needs in Cuba, especially for medicines, food and medical supplies.

According to a statement released by the Canadian government, five million Canadian dollars will be given to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to “protect the health and well-being of vulnerable populations in Cuba.”

The aid, according to Ottawa, seeks to improve the availability of and access to essential health services, critical medicines and other medical supplies, as well as strengthen supply chains and support both primary care and specialty care hospitals on the Island.

The Canadian government specified that these funds will also serve to support essential logistics and cover fuel needs.

The remaining 500,000 Canadian dollars will be allocated to the World Food Programme (WFP) for food assistance. The Canadian government specified that these funds will also support essential logistics and cover fuel needs related to the humanitarian response.

Authorities added that they continue to closely monitor the situation in Cuba to “assess and respond to evolving needs.”

The new contribution adds to another eight million Canadian dollars delivered at the end of February to the WFP and UNICEF for the purchase of food.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum Proposes a Declaration Against Military Intervention in Cuba

Speaking to progressive leaders gathered at the IV Summit in Defense of Democracy in Barcelona, ​​the Mexican president reaffirmed her country’s diplomatic tradition.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. / EFE/Jorge Núñez

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Barceona, April 18, 2026 / Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced this Saturday — in her opening speech at the IV Summit in Defense of Democracy being held in Barcelona — ​​that she wants to propose a declaration against military intervention in Cuba.

“I want to propose a declaration against military intervention in Cuba. May dialogue and peace prevail,” said the Mexican president in her opening remarks at the summit in Barcelona, ​​which was attended by progressive leaders from around the world.

The President of the Spanish Government Pedro Sánchez, and Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, are bringing together a dozen progressive leaders in Barcelona to defend democracy. Among them, in addition to Sheinbaum, are the presidents of Colombia, South Africa and Uruguay, as well as representatives of other progressive governments.

Sheinbaum questioned a freedom that involves submitting to “external interests” or “turning nations into modern colonies.”

Sheinbaum asserted that Mexico “has been able to uphold its principles even in solitude” and “that it raised its voice against the blockade of Cuba in 1962 when others remained silent.”

“To this day, we believe, speaking of that small Caribbean island, that no people is small, but rather great and stoic when it defends its sovereignty and the right to a full life,” she added.

In a speech in which she proudly highlighted some milestones in Mexican history, including the 2024 election of the first female president, Sheinbaum emphasized that Mexico’s constitutional principles in foreign policy are “more alive than ever” on the world stage today.

Among them she cited respect for the self-determination of peoples, non-intervention, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the rejection of the use of force, the legal equality of states and the permanent struggle for peace.

The president questioned a freedom that implies submitting to “external interests” or “turning nations into modern colonies” and argued that freedom “is an empty word if it is not accompanied by social justice, sovereignty and the dignity of peoples.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Havana Chronicles: Dollars, the Classic Card, and a Havana Without Tourists

The employee at the state-run store checks each banknote and rejects it if it has any pen marks or is wrinkled.

The Clásica series of bank cards is part of the official vacuum cleaner designed to suck up as many dollars as possible. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, April17, 2026 — The approach of July and August is palpable. After ten in the morning, being out on the street becomes increasingly difficult. Insect repellent, sunscreen, a bottle of water, toilet paper in case I need to use the restroom, and patience—lots of patience. This Thursday the heat is unbearable, so I speed through Central Park with its collection of white marble slabs that reflect the sun. This time I’m not looking for a drain for my sink or some sandpaper. I’m going to do something more difficult: deposit dollars onto a Classic card.

A friend of mine finally got his turn to buy gas after waiting in the virtual queue for over two months. His daughter’s wedding depends on him being able to fill the tank of his old Lada, which is older than his bride-to-be, with 20 liters. As a gift, the couple has asked everyone who can to contribute some money to top up those little blue cards that are the magic bullet for buying gas at supermarkets and gas stations.

Before, people wanted for their wedding day to receive boxes of wine, bouquets of roses, perfume, or jewelry. But now we live in a stark world where simply turning the wheels of a car feels like receiving a multi-carat gold ring as a gift. Nor is rice thrown when the newlyweds leave the church after saying “I do.” A pound is worth over 300 pesos in the markets, and nobody’s going to throw that much money in the air. continue reading

Nor is rice thrown when the newlyweds leave the church after saying “I do.” A pound is worth over 300 pesos in the markets, and nobody’s going to throw that much money in the air.

After pooling money for gas with friends, another bitter pill to swallow. Throughout Havana, there are few places where you can recharge a Clásica card, issued by the military’s financial arm, Fincimex. These locations are at the mercy of power outages, bank connection failures, and any other problem, from a clogged pipe to an employee suffering from chikungunya.

I head for the Harris Brothers store on O’Reilly Street in Old Havana. A line of about a dozen people is already waiting in front of the main entrance for the same thing. The wait is agonizing. The sun is already beating down, there’s nowhere to sit, and just a few meters away, an open sewer is spreading its stench. To enter the tiny shop where they refill the Clásica, you have to leave your wallet in the market’s baggage claim. In every store in Cuba that sells anything of even remotely valuable, you have to get rid of backpacks, bags, and packages. We’re all potential thieves for the Cimex corporation that runs these markets.

I didn’t see a single tourist the entire way. The security guard outside the Floridita looked bored. An elderly homeless man dozed in the doorway of the La Moderna Poesía bookstore, which had been closed for years. Along the stretch of Obispo Street I could see, there was only a peanut vendor and an employee from a private restaurant, dressed in a crisp white shirt and a black bow tie, who stared at the ground with a weary expression. Tips are getting worse and worse, I thought.

The dollar has always been the most welcome currency for waiters, bartenders, and restroom attendants across the country. Not all tips are created equal. Foreign currency, whether American or European, lifts spirits, brings smiles to the tired faces of waiters, and can even lead to the appearance of disinfectant and toilet paper in the restrooms of the humblest establishment. But dollars are scarce because tourists are scarce. If it could, the regime would confiscate all the dollars circulating on the streets, and I wouldn’t be surprised if, in some offices “up there,” there are still those who dream of criminalizing dollars again and throwing us in jail if we dared to carry them in our pockets.

The Classic cards are part of the official vacuum cleaner designed to suck up every dollar possible. A piece of plastic where you deposit those greenbacks and then can’t withdraw them, but can only use them to buy things at the stores and gas stations run by the same owner of those cards. I’m going over all of this while I wait outside Harris Brothers. But I’m also thinking about how inefficient the regime on this island is at carrying out any task, even one that is of such urgent interest to them, like removing the faces of Lincoln and Washington from our pockets.

But I’m also thinking about how inefficient the regime on this island is at carrying out any task, even one that is of such urgent interest to them, like removing the faces of Lincoln and Washington out of our pockets.

“The only thing they’re good for is repression,” a friend tells me every time I complain about government programs that were launched with great fanfare and then collapse a few weeks later. Finally, it’s my turn to deposit the money that will eventually fund the Lada taking my friend’s daughter to the Wedding Palace. Two hours have passed since I started lining up. I’ve been lucky. Another nearby place that used to offer the same service has been closed for weeks.

The clerk eyes with suspicion each bill I hand her. Not even the Federal Reserve Board examines these papers this closely. If any have pen writing on them, they’re rejected. If Franklin’s face is too wrinkled, they won’t accept it. If Hamilton has creases that cross his eyes, he’s out. So much need for dollars, and yet so much fussiness about accepting them, I complain to myself. Finally, I pass the test, deposit the money, and the woman gives me a receipt confirming the transaction.

I call my friend. “Tell your daughter to rent the dress; the gas is practically covered.” I think I’ll bring some rice to throw at the wedding anyway. A spoonful or two, no more.

Previous Havana Chronicles:

A Journey Through the Lost Names of Havana

The Shipwreck of a Ship Called “Cuba”

Havana Seen From ‘The Control Tower’

In Havana, the Only Ones Who Move Are the Mosquitoes

Reina, the Stately Street Where Garbage is Sold

Searching for Light Through the Deserted Streets of Havana

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba: Oldie But Goodie — Venezuela Now Has Imported Blackouts / Ciro Diaz

This video is under two minutes long. Originally posted in 2012, we reposted it in 2014 given what was happening in Venezuela. It seems even more prescient now, in 2019, so here it is again… and… now in 2025… here it is AGAIN and AGAIN and AGAIN!….

…in 2026

The subtitles appear to have stopped working.  Here are the lyrics:

IMPORTED BLACKOUTS – An original song by Ciro Diaz

Ohhh…. Fucking up a little island is nothing
Anyone can fuck up a little island
With few natural resources it was easy, to drown it in misery
But Fidel Castro loves the hardest efforts
That’s why he made friends with Chavez
To see if he could fuck up Venezuela

It looked like it would be hard
Because every time they dug a hole
They found every imaginable mineral
And the oil never stopped gushing

Only a president truly idiotic
Would allow his plans to embrace
The foolish ideas of Fidel and Cuban counter-intelligence.
And just like that ten years later, the job seems to be completed

Venezuela now has blackouts, blackouts imported from Havana
Venezuela now has blackouts, our experience was useless to them
Venezuela now has blackouts, blackouts imported from Havana
Venezuela now has blackouts, if they don’t hurry they will be left with nothing.

‘The Basic Need To Be Happy in Cuba is a Luxury’

Abraham Echevarría spreads the phrase “You need to be happy” throughout Havana, the most recent one in the ruins of ISDi

Necesitas ser feliz… “You need to be happy”… is written on one of the demolished walls of what was once the Higher Institute of Industrial Design in Havana. / 14ymedio

14ymedio biggerOn peeling walls here and there, on a column on Reina and Galiano streets, on the supports of a building about to collapse, at the entrance of a bookstore, in a trash can on San Rafael Boulevard, on San Lázaro Street, on the door of some abandoned warehouses on Infanta Street, in some closed multiplex cinemas, in a Metrotaxi kiosk, in the space of some destroyed ATMs on Obispo Street that serves as a dormitory for beggars, on the glass of an Oficoda on Carlos III, and beyond the city center, in El Vedado, in an old ruined shop on 19th Street, along 23rd Street, on a lamppost next to an illegal stall in front of the ghostly K Tower, on the wall of a school on the corner of G, on the corner with J, on the stairs of the El Carmelo cafeteria. In all these places, and in many other “countless” ones—he doesn’t even remember the number—including Matanzas, Pinar del Río, Sancti Spíritus, Villa Clara, Camagüey, and even Panama, the graffiti artist Abraham Echevarría has left his mark over the last few years. Three simple words, usually written in black, but sometimes in another color, with careful calligraphy, that appear before passersby when they least expect them and bring a smile to their face: “You need to be happy.”

The most recent can be seen on the remains of a wall that was once part of the Higher Institute of Industrial Design (ISDi), reduced to rubble last month and quickly transformed into a kind of illegal quarry for construction materials. Why that phrase? Why those places? What motivated this 28-year-old artist and photographer, born in Bauta (Havana) and a history graduate, to carry out this initiative? Echevarría answers 14ymedio via audio messages .

Unusable ATMs on Obispo Street, in a space that serves as a bed for homeless people and framed with the phrase “You need to be happy”. / 14ymedio

Question: Why did you choose ISDi?

Answer: Because it’s a safe place, nobody minds, they’re not going to come looking for me for painting there. Beyond that, it also interests me because it’s a place that’s slowly disappearing, and the demolished School of Design is a symbol. A symbol of collapse, of falling, of decay, of carrion. In that sense, putting the phrase there means that if it disappears, it will suddenly become stone dust for someone’s house. There’s a quote by Karl Marx that I’ve been thinking about for a while: “The people feel the punishment, but they don’t see the crime”… My phrase has gradually become one of those yellow highlighters for books. The idea is to highlight the obstacles that can exist to happiness. For me, ISDi has become that, in a way. The University of Havana is at a standstill. Supposedly they’re working outside of it, but that’s a lie. The university is at a standstill, and that’s madness in the history of Cuba, and nobody remembers that.

I’ve witnessed the ISDi firsthand because I live around here and pass by it quite often, and I’ve seen the whole process, from when they declared it uninhabitable until people started moving in, until they took away the frames, they took away the beams when it collapsed. It’s an important symbol of collapse; something is falling apart here, even literally. [He pauses briefly, then continues without interruption] I don’t know if the government is really going to fall; I don’t think so. I think they’re going to find ways to negotiate, like what happened in Venezuela, like what happens everywhere. Here, nobody falls anymore; everyone negotiates. Those old ideals, fighting to the last drop of blood, that’s a lie. Here, everyone is going to negotiate and create their own movie.

Props supporting a ruined building at Reina and San Nicolás, Central Havana. / 14ymedio

[See more photos here]

Question. Did you paint it during the day or at night?

Answer. By day, painting at night is a risk, because then I’d be hiding from something. I always paint during the day, and almost everyone paints during the day. I’m not hiding from anything, nor am I writing anything I have to hide from. Everyone understands that I’m talking about other things; I’m not even talking about politics. Clearly, I also talk about politics, because “you need to be happy” certainly refers to human happiness, and everything that affects or influences it falls within that discourse—it’s an infinite discourse—but politics itself isn’t my subject. “You need to be happy” isn’t about one specific thing; it’s a mirror where people see themselves, where people can see what obstacles in their lives are preventing them from being happy.

Question. Have you received any feedback from people?

Answer. Yes, of course, people contact me, tell me about their lives, and thank me. I’ve met everyone from university professors who are depressed because their lives have no meaning and suddenly they feel uplifted, to people who were on their way to a meeting with State Security and saw the poster along the way and it gave them strength. People have told me about suicide attempts and how they saw the phrase and decided not to do it, how they regained their will to live after seeing it. People have told me they’ve come out of the closet, that they’ve reconciled with their mothers… When people meet me in person, they thank me. But not everyone knows or sees the phrase. People are also blind to it, and even though it’s in many places, not everyone sees it, not everyone takes the time to look at it. Because it takes a little time. Most of those who don’t see it are in cars; I write on the street, for the people sweating under the blazing sun. I write for everyone, but especially for those people.

“You need to be happy,” reads a sign at a building collapse in San Rafael and Galiano, Central Havana. / 14ymedio

Question. Besides this graffiti, have you done other types of graffiti, with different messages?

Answer. I started doing a different kind of graffiti, where I would choose a phrase from popular slang, assign it an object, and represent it as if it were propaganda from the 1920s. I studied history at university, and my conclusion as a student was that Cuba has a long-standing, central identity crisis, and that is one of its biggest problems. My goal at that time was to try to contribute a little to strengthening that identity through art and street art, and I chose slang as a genuine element of Cuban identity, along with objects very typical of the island, to try to revitalize that identity that I saw as being in crisis. Initially, my project also included making sweaters, caps, and things that people could use in their daily lives, but that part never happened because of money.

After a period of crisis with Cuba—with society, with the people, with the government, with Havana’s own cultural circles—I decided to focus solely on this phrase, limiting myself to having a social and spiritual role in the city. The other project lost its meaning; it seemed like an unnecessary effort without results. Just as some people don’t understand “you need to be happy,” imagine trying to understand another, more complex phrase with a drawing. I kept those three words, along with a typeface chosen to be easily recognizable from afar and to also activate the subconscious, because it’s the calligraphy they teach us in schools. I don’t write like that. It was chosen with an aesthetic that stands out, that is unavoidable, so that anyone who glances by will recognize it immediately and it will attract attention.

A lamppost in front of the building on 23rd Avenue known as Torre K, in Havana’s Vedado neighborhood, reads: “You need to be happy.” / 14ymedio

Question. When did you start writing this message?

Answer. I made the first ones around 2018 or 2019; it was one of many phrases. I kept only that one for about four or five years. Occupying public space is a significant responsibility, especially given the political risk involved in Cuba, where you can be labeled as engaging in counterrevolutionary propaganda and who knows what else. If I’m going to do it, I have to do it because it’s truly worthwhile, and for me, this phrase is, beyond any aesthetic considerations. It’s not just a drawing, “oh, how pretty,” but something people can actually learn from.

It also provides me with a buffer against any situation with State Security, which, of course, I’ve had, and that’s why it’s important to make this clear: I’m not talking about the Cuban government, I’m not talking about Cuban leaders, I’m not talking about the embargo or the United States, but about a basic human need. That basic human need, which is happiness, is constantly at risk in Cuba; it can even seem like a luxury.

Cubans who read this phrase, of course, think, “How am I going to be happy today?” But it’s a phrase that resonates equally with people from all over the world. If I left Cuba, I would still paint it. Perhaps I would write other phrases as well, but I would continue writing that one, because I believe it speaks to humanity, to basic human needs, and it’s like the beginning of fulfillment, seeking that happiness, which, of course, isn’t about going to Disneyland or owning a car, but something else entirely. But that’s another interview; it’s a question that’s not relevant here.

Most of those who don’t see the phrase are in cars; I write in the street, for the people sweating under the blazing sun.” / 14ymedio

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

In a Poll, 88% of Cubans Who Arrived in the US After 2000 Were in Favor of a Military Operation Against the Regime

The ‘Miami Herald’ poll also indicates that exiles oppose the deportation of law-abiding migrants.

Some 78% oppose agreements that would allow the current political system to continue in exchange for economic reforms. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 17, 2026 / Support for a US military intervention in Cuba is even higher today among Cubans who arrived in the US after 2000 (88%) than among those who went into exile between the 1960s and 1970s (80%). This is one of the findings of a survey conducted by the Miami Herald in Miami-Dade, Broward, Palm Beach, and Monroe counties in Florida, the results of which were published this Thursday. This figure, specifically, suggests that the hardening of positions is not only linked to the memory of the initial exile, but also to more recent experiences in Cuba.

Some 79% of those surveyed – 800 people, both Cubans and Americans with dual nationality or ancestry on the Island – are in favor of “some kind of military intervention,” almost the same percentage that rejects any negotiation that does not involve a regime change.

Specifically, 78% oppose agreements that would allow the current political system to continue in exchange for economic reforms, while 77% express dissatisfaction with any improvement in living conditions that is not accompanied by a transition to democracy. Similarly, 68% reject talks that could strengthen the Cuban government, even if these talks contribute to alleviating the country’s crisis. continue reading

Some 38% support an “intervention that combines regime change with addressing the humanitarian crisis” on the island

Of those who support intervention, 36% favor direct action to overthrow the regime, while 38% back an intervention that combines regime change with addressing the humanitarian crisis on the island. Only a minority rejects any kind of armed action.

Such a level of support has surprised even the analysts interviewed by the Miami Herald. Fernand Amandi, president of Bendixen & Amandi International and one of those responsible for the study, compares the current moment to the context of the Bay of Pigs invasion—whose 65th anniversary is this Friday—when Cuban exiles attempted to overthrow Fidel Castro’s government with US support.

According to Amandi, the community’s message is clear: there is a “green light” for the Donald Trump Administration to take stronger, even military, measures against the Cuban regime.

Regarding the distribution of responsibility, 73% of those surveyed attribute the island’s economic and humanitarian situation to the regime, not to US sanctions. This perception reinforces support for pressure tactics, such as limiting energy supplies, which also enjoys the backing of two-thirds of those surveyed.

In terms of ties with Cuba, however, the survey indicates a gradual weakening. Seventy-six percent of respondents have not traveled to the island in recent years, and 59 percent do not send remittances or aid to family members. Factors such as the economic crisis, immigration restrictions, and family reunification in the United States appear to have reduced these ties, the Herald estimates .

Even among Democratic voters there is considerable rejection of negotiations without political changes.

Likewise, interest in returning to or investing in Cuba is limited. Some 76% rule out returning to live on the island even in a scenario of democratic reforms, and only 2% would invest while the current government remains in power.

The survey also introduces a relevant nuance regarding immigration. Despite its hardline stance against the Cuban government and its support for the U.S. government, the community largely supports legal immigration: 81% support allowing Cubans to enter the U.S.; 76% want to resume suspended immigration procedures; and 68% oppose deporting those who comply with the law. These figures suggest a clear distinction between policy toward the Cuban regime and the treatment of migrants.

At the political level, the poll shows strong support for the Trump administration and Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s handling of Cuba. The majority of respondents identified as Republican (57%), compared to 17% Democrats and 22% independents. However, even among Democratic voters, there is considerable opposition to negotiations without political changes, although this group is distinguished by its majority opposition to military intervention.

This, precisely, is one of the points highlighted by Cuban congressman Carlos Miguel Pérez Reyes, who has lashed out on social media against the Herald poll. “The poll itself reports a very politically biased composition,” he criticized, adding that the 800 people involved in the study comprise “a very, very specific geographic and political universe.” According to the Communist Party legislator, “that poll doesn’t represent Cubans residing in the United States, much less the American people.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

A U.S. Drone and a Secret Letter From Raúl Castro to Trump Cross the Florida Strait

The Triton flew over Cuban territory without problems while the general’s letter was intercepted at the Miami airport and its carrier returned to the Island

Reconnaissance flight of a U.S. drone over Cuba. / Flightradar

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 17, 2026 – A Northrop Grumman MQ-4C Triton reconnaissance drone from the United States Army carried out a surveillance mission of more than 12 hours along both coasts of Cuba on Thursday night. The aircraft has drawn the attention of numerous intelligence analysis websites, although most identify the flight patterns as “typical of reconnaissance over the Caribbean.”

The drone flew at about 49,000 feet in altitude and crossed Cuban territory, from north to south and back again, at the level of Pinar del Río and the Isle of Youth.

The aircraft is part of the deployment that the United States began in January as part of intelligence and surveillance operations in the Caribbean, which included, along with these drones, military vessels, spy plane flights such as the RC-135 Rivet Joint, and P-8A Poseidon aircraft. In addition, in February a surveillance balloon known as the Tethered Aerostat Radar System (TARS) was added, located in the Florida Keys, about 145 kilometers from Havana and at an altitude of 2,500 meters.

The drone flew at about 49,000 feet in altitude and crossed Cuban territory, from north to south and back again, at the level of Pinar del Río and the Isle of Youth

At that time, expectations were already very high, at a moment of extreme tension between the United States and Cuba and just days after the capture in Caracas of Nicolás Maduro, which was preceded, precisely, by a continue reading

deployment with a MQ-4C Triton. These aircraft usually accompany P-8A Poseidon planes and, since the end of 2025, have carried out constant surveillance operations from Puerto Rico or Florida toward the coasts of Venezuela.

The situation repeated itself yesterday, precisely one day after reports emerged claiming that the Pentagon has intensified plans for a possible intervention in Cuba and just hours after Miguel Díaz-Canel said that U.S. “military aggression” is a real possibility.

“We do not want it, but it is our duty to prepare to avoid it and, if it were unavoidable, to win it,” said the Cuban leader in his speech this Thursday marking the anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution, in which he maintained that the regime’s priority is “dialogue.”

Capture of the drone’s trajectory in the Caribbean. / Flightradar24

After the month of March, during which the idea took hold that talks between Washington and Havana were moving in the right direction, in recent weeks the signals have gone in the opposite direction. This Thursday The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) independently verified information first reported two days earlier by Martí Noticias, according to which a Cuban businessman in the luxury car rental sector and closely linked to the regime attempted to deliver a letter to the U.S. president at the request of Raúl Rodríguez Castro, El Cangrejo [The Crab], grandson of former president Raúl Castro.

According to the reports, Roberto Carlos Chamizo González arrived in Miami with a letter from Raúl Castro’s grandson in an attempt to bypass official channels and avoid the State Department. The letter, whose contents have not been seen by the media, reportedly in a format similar to a diplomatic one and with a seal, proposed economic and investment agreements, as well as the lifting of sanctions, and warned that the regime was preparing to repel a U.S. military invasion.

The WSJ could not determine why the messenger was detained, but it did confirm that a Customs agent confiscated the letter and sent him back to the Island. It has also not been able to determine whether the letter reached the White House, which declined to comment on the matter.

“The Cubans appear to be trying to bypass Rubio and send a clear message directly to Trump”

“The Cubans appear to be trying to bypass Rubio and send a clear message directly to Trump,” Peter Kornbluh, co-author of Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana, told the U.S. outlet. “This attempt suggests that they no longer trust Rubio to be an impartial interlocutor and want to appeal directly to the president to resolve the growing crisis.”

Ricardo Herrero, executive director of the Cuba Study Group, stated that “trying to bypass Rubio while he is secretary of state is foolish and doomed to fail. It is even worse to resort to an unknown person with no personal relationship with the president, which makes it seem even more absurd.”

Meanwhile, at a meeting of the Western Hemisphere subcommittee of the U.S. Congress, Michael Kozak, a senior State Department official, avoided revealing whether Washington is maintaining ongoing negotiations with Havana. Asked by Florida lawmakers on the matter, the official limited himself to responding: “If you want to get anywhere with talks of this kind, they are not conducted in public.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.